December 31, 1860: Buchanan replies to the South Carolina commissioners

On December 31, 1860 President James Buchanan replied to the South Carolina commissioners sent to negotiate the surrender of all federal property in South Carolina, including the Charleston Harbor forts. Buchanan's reply is worth reading in its entirety just to get the feel of the language he used. Buchanan has been criticized as a poor president, but earlier in his career he had been a skilled diplomat.

That is what we see here, the response of a skilled diplomat, denying all the claims and charges made by South Carolina and letting South Carolina know that the United States would defend Fort Sumter--and placing the blame for the current circumstances squarely upon South Carolina for aggressively occupying federal property after pledging she would not. Like a diplomat, Buchanan included two other documents within his response as exhibits: the "agreement" drafted by South Carolina's congressional representatives and the memorandum of verbal orders to Major Robert Anderson.

WASHINGTON CITY, December 31, 1860.

Hons. ROBERT W. BARNWELL, JAMES H. ADAMS, JAMES L. ORR:

GENTLEMEN: I have had the honor to receive your communication of the 28th instant, together with a copy of your “full powers from the Convention of the People of South Carolina” authorizing you to treat with the Government of the United States on various important subjects therein mentioned, and also copy of the ordinance, bearing date on the 20th instant, declaring that “the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States under the name of ‘the United States of America’ is thereby dissolved.”

In answer to this communication I have to say that my position as President of the United States was clearly defined in the message to Congress on the 3d instant. In that I stated that “apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissolution of the confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto government, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is therefore my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings.”

Such is still my opinion, and I could therefore meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest character, and I was quite willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware.

It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I therefore deeply regret that, in your opinion, “the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible.” In conclusion you urge upon me “the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston,” stating that, “under present circumstances, they are a standing menace which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment.”

The reason for this change in your position is that, since your arrival in Washington, “an officer of the United States, acting, as we (you) are assured, not only without but against your (my) orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another, thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we (you) came.”

You also allege that you came here “the representatives of an authority which could at any time within the past sixty days have taken possession of the forts in Charleston Harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, determined to trust to your (my) honor rather than to its own power.

This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in what manner they have been observed. In my message of the 3d of December instant I stated, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina, that it “has been purchased for a fair equivalent, ‘by the consent of the legislature of the State, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,’ &c., and over these the authority ‘to exercise exclusive legislation’ has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.”

This being the condition of the parties on Saturday, December 8, four of the Representatives from South Carolina called upon me and requested an interview. We had an earnest conversation on the subject of these forts and the best means of preventing a collision between the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood. I suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writing what they said to me verbally. They did so accordingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th instant, three of them presented to me a paper signed by all the Representatives of South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy:

WASHINGTON, December 9, 1860.

His Excellency JAMES BUCHANAN,
President of the United States:

In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston previously to the action of the convention, and we hope and believe not until an offer has been made, through au accredited representative, to negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and Federal Government, provided that no re-enforcements shall be sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present.

JOHN McQUEEN.

WM. PORCHER MILES.

M.L. BONHAM.

W.W. BOYCE.

LAWRENCE M. KEITT.

And here I must, in justice to myself, remark that at the time the paper was presented to me I objected to the word “provided,” as it might be construed into an agreement on my part which I never would make. They said nothing was further from their intention; they did not so understand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal agreement with me on the subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and were acting in their individual character. I considered it as nothing more in effect than the promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for the purpose expressed. The event has proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since received a line from any one of them, or from the convention, on the subject. It is well known that it was my determination, and this I freely expressed, not to re-enforce the forts in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until they had been actually attacked, or until I had certain evidence that they were about to be attacked. This paper I received most cordially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still preserved, and that time might thus be gained for reflection. This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge.

But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal agreement with parties capable of contracting, although such an agreement would have been on my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any re-enforcements to the forts in Charleston Harbor, and I have certainly never authorized any change to be made “in their relative military status.”

Bearing upon this subject, I refer you to an order issued by the Secretary of War, on the 11th instant, to Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice until the 21st instant. It is as follows:

Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, First Artillery, commanding at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina.

You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the military force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against such a collision. He has therefore carefully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain possession of the public works or interfere with their occupancy. But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly disappoint these expectations of the Government, he deems it proper that you shall be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency. He has therefore directed me verbally to give you such instructions.

You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression; and for that reason you are not, without evident and imminent necessity, to take up any position which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude. But you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on or attempt to take possession of either one of them will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar defensive steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act.

D.C. BUELL,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

FORT MOULTRIE, S. C., December 11, 1860.

This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell.

JOHN B. FLOYD,

Secretary of War.

These were the last instructions transmitted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception, in regard to a particular which does not in any degree affect the present question. Under these circumstances it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own responsibility, and without authority, unless, indeed, he had “tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act on the part of the authorities of South Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still, he is a brave and honorable officer, and justice requires that he should not be condemned without a fair hearing.

Be this as it may, when I learned that Major Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to command him to return to his former position, and there await the contingencies presented in his instructions. This could only have been done with any degree of safety to the command by the concurrence of the South Carolina authorities. But before any steps could possibly have been taken in this direction, we received information, dated on the 28th instant, that the “palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.” Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanation, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when the movement was made, seized by a military force two of the three Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and have covered them under their own flag in- stead of that of the United States. At this gloomy period of our history startling events succeed each other rapidly. On the very day, the 27th instant, that possession of these two forts was taken the palmetto flag was raised over the Federal custom-house and post-office in Charleston; and on the same day every officer of the customs, collector, naval officer, surveyor, and appraisers, resigned their offices. And this, although it was well known from the language of my message that, as an executive officer, I felt myself bound to collect the revenue at the port of Charleston under the existing laws.

In the harbor of Charleston we now find three forts confronting each other, over all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago; but now over two of them this flag has been supplanted, and the palmetto flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these circumstances that I am urged immediately to withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that without this, negotiation is impossible. This I cannot do; this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No allusion had ever been made to it in any communication between myself and any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the harbor of Charleston, because the officer there in command of all the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to another. I cannot admit the justice of any such inference. And at this point of writing I have received information by telegraph from Captain Humphreys, in command of the arsenal at Charleston, that “has to-day (Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.” Comment is needless. It is estimated that the property of the United States in this arsenal was worth half a million of dollars.

After this information I have only to add that, whilst it is my duty to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of public property of the United States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such a defense can be construed into a menace against the city of Charleston.

With great personal regard, I remain, yours, very respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Buchanan places the blame for escalation squarely on South Carolina. Anderson was within the limits of his orders to switch forts if he felt threatened. On the other hand, South Carolina was not within its rights to seize federal property by force without first negotiating an agreement with Congress. Buchanan concludes by reminding the South Carolina commissioners that he has " duty to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of public property of the United States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I may possess for this purpose."

December 30, 1860: Black and Stanton ascendant

Secretary of State Jeremiah S. Black

After the cabinet meeting on the evening of December 29, 1860, Secretary of State Jeremiah S. Black returned to his quarters in a state of near despair. He spent a sleepless night debating his options. Black felt that Buchanan was still far too deeply under the influence of his Southern friends. Black--like Stanton--thought that Buchanan had allowed himself to be drawn into illegal negotiations to give away territory and property belonging to the United States: an impeachable offense.

Before the sun rose on Sunday, December 30, 1860 Black had made up his mind to resign if Buchanan refused to stand up to the South Carolina commissioners. But Black also shrewdly decided to make his approach to Buchanan indirectly. Rather than angrily threatening Buchanan in person, which would only have caused the president to stubbornly stand his ground, Black went to visit Buchanan's most sycophantic cabinet member: Isaac Toucey.

Black poured out his feelings to Toucey and let him know that he felt that if Buchanan gave into the demands of the South Carolina commissioners, then Black felt he would have no choice to resign and that Stanton would probably join him. As soon as Black had left Toucey, Toucey raced to the White House to tell Buchanan all that Black had said, precisely as Black knew he would. After Toucey had relayed what Black had told him, Buchanan finally saw the writing on the wall. After the resignations of Cobb, Cass, and Floyd, the resignations of Black and Stanton would have brought Buchanan's administration crashing to the ground.

Buchanan sent for Black and asked him once again to explain his views. Black laid down his reasoning for the president once again, pulling no punches: South Carolina's demands must be refused and Anderson must be reinforced. In this opinion, Black was supported by a note from General Winfield Scott that Buchanan had received just before Black had arrived; Scott had also demanded that Anderson be reinforced.

Buchanan hesitated, wavered, and then gave in completely. He handed his draft reply to the South Carolina commissioners and told Black to rewrite it to suit Black's own views, but required that the changes be complete before the sun went down. The surprised Black raced to Attorney General Edwin Stanton's office. There, Black and Stanton worked throughout the rest of the day to redraft Buchanan's answer to South Carolina. Their draft made seven critical changes to Buchanan's original draft:

1. No acknowledgement of a right for South Carolina to send diplomats.
2. No expression of regret that the commissioners were unwilling to negotiate further if troops were not withdrawn.
3. No expression of willingness to make an arrangement regarding the national forts.
4. No statement saying that the federal government had no right to coerce a state to stay in the union: the union had the right to coerce anyone who attacked federal property.
5. No acknowledging that any deal had been made on reinforcing the forts: there should be a complete denial of any deal.
6. No criticism of Major Anderson's decision to remove his force to Fort Sumter: Anderson could not be used as a scapegoat.
7. No acknowledgement that Major Anderson's movement from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter constituted a possible "harm" or "wrong" to South Carolina.

This was a critical moment in the history of the United States. Black and Stanton returned their draft of the reply to Buchanan. Buchanan accepted their major changes, though he did perform a final rewrite to cast the reply in more diplomatic language than Black and Stanton had used. Buchanan would deliver his answer to South Carolina the next day.

A turning point had been reached. From this point forward, Buchanan was firmly aligned with the Northern pro-union faction of his cabinet led by Jeremiah Black and Edwin Stanton. In less than four weeks the weak and vacillating Buchanan administration that had delivered a state of the union message that declared that the federal government lacked the power to coerce a seceding state had been replaced by a rock-ribbed pro-union Buchanan administration led by men who were only too happy to coerce any state that tried to use armed force against federal property of any kind.

December 29, 1860: John B. Floyd resigns, Black and Stanton step up

Secretary of War John B. Floyd of Virginia

On Saturday December 29, 1860 Secretary of War John B. Floyd tendered his resignation to President James Buchanan. Floyd based his resignation on a claim that he could not countenance the President's violation of solemn oaths to not reinforce Fort Sumter. It was of course a flimsy excuse for Floyd's real reasons for leaving: a trail of scandals and the growing realization of his disloyalty within the Buchanan administration.

With Floyd's departure, the remaining members of Buchanan's cabinet met to decide how best to answer the demands made by the South Carolina commissioners. Buchanan showed his cabinet a draft answer to the commissioners. No copy of this document has ever been found, but it is clear from the reactions it elicited from his cabinet that the answer was unsatisfactory. Only Secretary of the Navy Toucey--an easygoing "yes" man--approved it. The two remaining Southerners in the cabinet, Secretary of the Interior Jacob Thompson of North Carolina and Secretary of the Treasury Philip F. Thomas of Maryland disapproved of the draft response because it did not call for an immediate withdrawal of all federal troops from South Carolina--complete capitulation in other words.

The turning point came when the Northern members of the cabinet gave their opinions. Stanton, Black, and Holt opposed the draft response for giving far too much to South Carolina. Stanton in particular spoke out angrily against negotiating at all.

"These gentlemen claim to be ambassadors. It is preposterous! They cannot be ambassadors; they are lawbreakers, traitors. They should be arrested. You cannot negotiate with them; and yet it seems by this paper that you have been led into doing that very thing. With all respect to you, Mr. President, I must say that the Attorney General, under his oath of office, dares not be cognizant of the pending proceedings. Your reply to these so-called ambassadors must not be transmitted as the reply of the President. It is wholly unlawful and improper; its language is unguarded and to send it as an official document will bring the President to the verge of usurpation."

Stanton's outburst triggered an outpouring of heated argument. Secretary of State Jeremiah Black pushed Buchanan to give the commissioners a negative response, but as he had the night before, Buchanan refused to give a final answer: Buchanan wanted more time to consider his answer.

The cabinet meeting broke up and Black went home to a sleepless night, considering his next step.

December 29, 1860: The diary of Margaret Ann Meta Morris Grimball

29 December - The Xmas passed very pleasantly with us, the boys were all here and we had a tree fixed off in a very lively and interesting manner with little Canibusses[?] , ships, tables, chairs & dolls dressed, and lighted by little tapers. Papa dined with us, and we had a nice dinner and were pleasant. John has resigned and gone to town to offer his services to the Governor, he is very much enchanted at getting rid of a profession his heart was not very much interested in, and William and Berkley are very sorry he has given up his support. It is a great addition to Mr Grimballs expenses 3 hundred dollars a year. -

Mrs Wayne has been talking in her flighty style about giving her Palmetto nephews a New Years party. I said what I could to prevent her going to this unnecessary expense for she has not threshed her crop or sold it and has not been able give her negroes clothes, this winter, but now the matter is at rest, for the boys have been obliged to go to Town. Fort Moultry has been abandoned, and the U.S. troops commanded by Major Anderson have been clandestinely removed to Fort Sumpter , so the troops have been ordered off, and are marching round & round, to show their spirit and excitement. -

Daisy Barnwell dined with Lotty on Thursday & I think is a very fast little girl: she seemed wild with delight at John & Arthur flirting with her: & looked very pretty, Lotty is to dine with her to day if she can get there.

Mr Grimball is suffering from an attack of his difficult breathing, last night I had to get up & make the fire, he took his remedy but it does not relieve very soon.

A Plantation life is a very active one. This morning I got up late having been disturbed in the night, hurried down to have something arranged for breakfast, Ham, & eggs, wrote a letter to Charles in answer to one he wrote about Johns resigning, disapproving of it. Had prayers, got off the boys to town. Had work cut out, gave orders about dinner, had the horse feed fixed in hot water, had the box filled with cork: - went to see about the carpenters working at the negro houses, where there are men mending chimneys, white washing, & these carpenters Mr Grimball told me he wished me to see about every day, & now I have to cut out flannel jackets, and alter some work. -

Amy's leg continues very bad, I don't know when she will get better, a most provoking thing, for it is owing to her own stupidity.

December 28, 1860: Buchanan receives the South Carolina commissioners

Attorney General Edwin M. Stanton

On December 28, 1860, three "commissioners" appointed by South Carolina to negotiate on behalf of the state--Robert W. Barnwell, James Orr, and J.H. Adams--paid a visit to President James Buchanan at the White House. Barnwell, Orr, and Adams had arrived in Washington DC two days before and notified the President of their arrival and mission. Buchanan had just been notified of the seizure of Castle Pinkney, Fort Moultrie, the Charleston Arsenal, the U.S. Post Office, and the U.S. Customhouse.

Barnwell, Orr, and Adams introduced themselves and explained their mission to negotiate for the surrender of federal property within South Carolina. Buchanan received the courteously as private gentlemen, but made it clear that he could not receive them as diplomats. For the next two hours the three visitors tried to browbeat Buchanan into making concessions. They told him that his word was dishonored by Anderson's movement to Fort Sumter and the only way to avoid a bloody conflict was to withdraw all federal troops from Charleston.

They pressed him again and again, until finally they pressed him too far: "Mr. Barnwell, you are pressing me too importunately. You don't give me time to consider. You don't give me time to say my prayers. I always say my prayers when required to act upon any great state affair."

With that, Buchanan was able to end the uncomfortable interview. The South Carolina Commissioners had provided a written copy of their demands to Buchanan, and these demands became the subject of another acrimonious meeting of Buchanan's cabinet that same evening. This time it was Jacob Thompson who took the lead in arguing for giving into South Carolina's demands. Thompson actually went so far as to argue that the United States were in a position to be generous to little South Carolina. He recommended withdrawal as a gesture that would say, "See, we will withdraw our garrison as an evidence that we mean you no harm."

That bit of sophistry was too much for Attorney General Edwin Stanton, who exploded in an angry outburst.

"Mr. President, the proposal to be generous implies that the government is strong, and that we, as the public servants, have the confidence of the people. I think that is a mistake. No administration has ever suffered the loss of public confidence and support as this has done. Only the other day it was announced that a million of dollars had been stolen from Mr. Thompson's department. The bonds were found to have been taken from the vault where they should have been kept, and the notes of Mr. Floyd were substituted for them. Now it is proposed to give up Sumter. All I have to say is that no Administration, much less this one, can afford to lose a million of money and a fort in the same week."

Stanton's outburst effectively silenced Thompson and Floyd, and the cabinet meeting broke up without Buchanan making the decision to withdraw from Fort Sumter. Presumably, Buchanan went to say his prayers as his cabinet members took their leave.

December 27, 1860: Buchanan deals with the aftermath of Anderson's move to Sumter

To say that Major Robert Anderson's move from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor was a shock to James Buchanan is an enormous understatement. Buchanan was blindsided, caught completely unawares when, on Thursday December 27, 1860, three prominent Southerners called on him to tell him the news. Senators Jefferson Davis of Mississippi and R.M.T. Hunter of Virginia were accompanied by South Carolina Commissioner William H. Trescot during a visit to Buchanan that morning.

"Have you received any intelligence from Charleston in the last three hours?" Davis asked Buchanan. "None," was Buchanan's answer. Davis was wildly dramatic on this occasion and chose his words to heighten the effect. "Then I have a great calamity to announce to you," Davis began and then he told Buchanan the news from Charleston. He finished with the following: "Mr. President, you are surrounded with blood and dishonor on all sides."

Buchanan wailed in response, saying: "My God, are misfortunes never to come singly? I call God to witness, you, gentlemen, better than anybody, know that this is not only without, but against my orders. It is against my policy." The Southerners then immediately urged Buchanan to order Anderson back to Moultrie and meet with the South Carolina commissioners that very afternoon in order to settle the transfer of federal property in South Carolina. Buchanan demurred: he had to meet with his cabinet and get to the bottom of what had happened. He told the Southerners he would meet with the South Carolina commissioners the next day, December 28th.

That afternoon the cabinet assembled at the White House. When Floyd entered he saw Major Don Carlos Buell and immediately verbally assaulted him. He angrily declared that Anderson's move had made war inevitable. Buell attempted to defend his brother officer, but Floyd brushed him off.

When the cabinet meeting began, Floyd continued his attacks on Anderson. Floyd accused Anderson of having acted without instructions and had violated an agreement between the President and South Carolina. At this, Secretary of State Jeremiah Black intervened on Anderson's behalf. He called for a messenger to go to the War Department and retrieve Anderson's orders. When the messenger returned he bore the following document:

FORT MOULTRIE, S.C., December 11, 1860.

Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, First Artillery, commanding at Fort Moultrie, S.C.

You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the military force and forts in this harbor which shall guard against such a collision. He has therefore carefully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not attempt, by violence, to obtain possession of the public works or interfere with their occupancy. But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly disappoint those expectations of the Government, he deems it proper that you. should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency. He has therefore directed me verbally to give you such instructions.

You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression; and for that reason you are not, without evident and imminent necessity, to take up any position which could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude. But you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor, and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on or attempt to take possession of any one of them will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act.

D.C. BUELL,

Assistant Adjutant General.

This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell.

John B. Floyd

Secretary of War

There, right on the document, was Floyd's own endorsement and signature--Anderson had had permission to move his troops and Floyd himself had signed off on it. Floyd immediately began arguing on a different line. Trying to split hairs, Floyd claimed that Anderson could not have had "tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act."

At this, a violent argument broke out within the cabinet with the Southerners Thompson and Thomas taking the side of Floyd and Black, Attorney General Edwin Stanton, and Postmaster General Joseph Holt taking the side of Major Anderson. At one point, Stanton and Floyd apparently almost came to blows.

Floyd laid down an ultimatum: he wrote out a demand that he be permitted to withdraw the federal garrison from Charleston Harbor altogether, the inference being that he would resign if his demands were not met. Black then obliquely accused Floyd of treason: Stanton did away with any obliqueness and accused Floyd outright of treason. The meeting broke up without coming to a conclusion as Buchanan tried to soothe the raw feelings of his cabinet.

That evening, the cabinet met again. By now, Isaac Toucey, the Secretary of the Navy, had been convinced to join Black, Stanton, and Holt. Buchanan nevertheless refused to make a final decision. He wanted to read Anderson's report from Charleston and decide for himself whether Anderson had had a good reason to move or had exceeded his instructions.

December 27, 1860: Mary Boykin Chesnut's Diary

On December 27, 1860 Mary Boykin Chesnut recorded her reaction to the news that Major Anderson had moved his troops to Fort Sumter.

December 27th. - Mrs. Gidiere came in quietly from her marketing to-day, and in her neat, incisive manner exploded this bombshell:. "Major Anderson 2 has moved into Fort Sumter, while Governor Pickens slept serenely." The row is fast and furious now. State after State is taking its forts and fortresses. They say if we had been left out in the cold alone, we might have sulked a while, but back we would have had to go, and would merely have fretted and fumed and quarreled among ourselves. We needed a little wholesome neglect. Anderson has blocked that game, but now our sister States have joined us, and we are strong. I give the condensed essence of the table-talk: "Anderson has united the cotton States. Now for Virginia!" "Anderson has opened the ball." Those who want a row are in high glee. Those who dread it are glum and thoughtful enough.

A letter from Susan Rutledge: "Captain Humphrey folded the United States Army flag just before dinnertime. Ours was run up in its place. You know the Arsenal is in sight. What is the next move? I pray God to guide us. We stand in need of wise counsel; something more than courage. The talk is: 'Fort Sumter must be taken; and it is one of the strongest forts.' How in the name of sense are they to manage? I shudder to think of rash moves."

December 26, 1860: Anderson moves Charleston garrison to Fort Sumter

No. 1.

Reports of Maj. Robert Anderson, U.S. Army, of the evacuation of Fort Moultrie, S.C.

No. 11.] FORT SUMTER, S. C., December 26, 1860—8 p. m.
(Received A.G.O., December 29.)

COLONEL: I have the honor to report that I have just completed, by the blessing of God, the removal to this fort of all of my garrison, except the surgeon, four non-commissioned officers, and seven men. We have one year’s supply of hospital stores and about four months’ supply of provisions for my command. I left orders to have all the guns at Fort Moultrie spiked, and the carriages of the 32-pounders, which are old, destroyed. I have sent orders to Captain Foster, who remains at Fort Moultrie, to destroy all the ammunition which he can- not send over. The step which I have taken was, in my opinion, necessary to prevent the effusion of blood.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

ROBERT ANDERSON,
Major, First Artillery, Commanding.

Col. S. COOPER, Adjutant-General.

December 26, 1860: Abner Doubleday's account of the move to Fort Sumter

During the night of December 26, 1860, Major Robert Anderson moved his small command from its exposed position at Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter in the middle of Charleston Harbor. One of Anderson's subordinates was Captain Abner Doubleday, who left a written account of the movement from Moultrie to Sumter:

Bands of secessionists were now patrolling near us by day and night. We were so worn out with guard-duty-watching them-that on one occasion my wife and Captain Seymour's relieved us on guard, all that was needed being some one to give the alarm in case there was an attempt to break in. Foster thought that out of his several hundred workmen he could get a few Union men to drill at the guns as a garrison in Castle Pinckney, but they rebelled the moment they found they were expected to act as artillerists, and said that they were not there as warriors. It was said that when the enemy took possession of the castle, some of these workmen were hauled from under beds and from other hiding-places.

The day before Christmas I asked Major Anderson for wire to make an entanglement in front of my part of the fort, so that any one who should charge would tumble over the wires and could be shot at our leisure. I had already caused a sloping picket fence to be projected over the parapet on my side of the works so that scaling-ladders could not be raised against us. The discussion in Charleston over our proceedings was of an amusing character. This wooden fraise puzzled the Charleston militia and editors; one of the latter said, "Make ready your sharpened stakes but you will not intimidate freeman."

When I asked Anderson for the wire, he said I should have a mile of it, with a peculiar smile that puzzled me for the moment. He then sent for Hall, the post quartermaster, bound him to secrecy, and told him to take three schooners and some barges which had been chartered for the purpose of taking the women and children and six month's supply of provisions to Fort Johnson, opposite Charleston. He was instructed when the secession patrols should ask what this meant, to tell them we were sending off the families of the officers and men to the North because they were in the way. The excuse was plausible, and no one interfered. We were so closely watched that we could make no movement without demands being made as to the reason of it. On the day we left-the day after Christmas-Anderson gave up his own mess, and came to live with me as my guest. In the evening of that day I went to notify the major that tea was ready. Upon going to the parapet for that purpose, I found all the officers there, and noticed something strange in their manner. The problem was solved when Anderson walked up to me and said: "Captain, in twenty minutes you will leave this fort with your company for Fort Sumter." The order was startling and unexpected, and I thought of the immediate hostilities of which the movement would be the occasion. I rushed over to my company quarters and informed my men, so that they might put on their knapsacks and have everything in readiness. This took about ten minutes. Then I went to my house, told my wife that there might be fighting, and that she must get out of the fort as soon as she could and take refuge behind the sand-hills. I put her trunks out of the sally-port, and she followed them. Then I started with my company to join Captain Seymour and his men. We had to go a quarter of a mile through the little town of Moultrieville to reach the point of embarkation. It was about sunset, the hour of the siesta, and fortunately the Charleston militia were taking their afternoon nap. We saw nobody, and soon reached a low line of sea-wall under which were hidden the boats in charge of the three engineers, for Lieutenant Snyder and Meade had been sent by Floyd to help Captain Foster do the work on the forts. The boats had been used in going back and forward in the work of construction, manned by ordinary workmen, who now vacated them for our use. Lieutenant Snyder said to me in a low tone: "Captain, those boats are for your men." So saying, he started with his own part up the coast. When any thirty men were embarked I went straight for Fort Sumter. It was getting dusk. I made slow work in crossing over, for my men were not expert oarsmen. Soon I saw the lights of the secession guard-boat coming down on us. I told the men to take off their muskets, and I threw my own coat open to conceal my buttons. I wished to give the impression that it was an officer in charge of laborers. The guard-ship stopped its paddles and inspected us in the gathering darkness, but concluded we were all right and passed on. My part was the first to reach Fort Sumter.

We went up the steps of the wharf in the face of an excited band of secession workmen, some of whom were armed with pistols. One or two Union men among them cheered, but some of the others said angrily: "Who are these soldiers doing here? what is the meaning of this?" Ordering my men to charge bayonets, we drove the workmen into the center of the fort. I took possession of the guard-room commanding the main entrance and placed sentinels. Twenty minutes after, Seymour arrived with the rest of the men. Meantime Anderson had crossed in one of the engineer boats. As soon as the troops were all in we fired a cannon, to give notice of our arrival to the quartermaster, who had anchored at Fort Johnson with the schooners carrying the women and children. He immediately sailed up to the wharf and landed his passengers and stores. Then the workmen of secession sympathies were sent aboard the schooners to be taken ashore.

Lieutenant Jefferson C. Davis of my company had been left with a rear-guard at Moultrie. These, with Captain Foster and Assistant-Surgeon Crawford, stood at loaded columbiads during our passage, with orders to fire upon the guard-boats and sink them if they tried to run us down. On withdrawing, the rear-guard spiked the guns of the fort, burned the gun-carriages on the front looking toward Sumter, and cut down the flag-staff. Mrs. Doubleday first took refuge at the house of the post sutler, and afterward with the family of Chaplain Harris, with whom she sought shelter behind the sand-hills.

When all was quiet they paced the beach, anxiously watching Fort Sumter. Finding that the South Carolinians were ignorant of what had happened we sent the boats back to procure additional supplies.

The next morning Charleston was furious. Messengers were sent out to ring every door-bell and convey the news to every family. The governor sent two or three of his aides to demand that we return to Moultrie. Anderson replied in my hearing that he was a Southern man, but that he had been assigned to the defense of Charleston Harbor, and intended to defend it.

December 25, 1860: "The Senate Committee of Thirteen" from The Daily Dispatch

Senator John J. Crittenden of Kentucky

The December 25, 1860 edition of Richmond's Daily Dispatch reported on the progress (or lack of progress) of the U.S. Senate's Committee of Thirteen:

The Senate Committee of Thirteen.

The Senate Committee of Thirteen were in session on Saturday six hours and a half, considering various propositions to arrest the progress of dissolution and give peace to the country.

The amendment to the Constitution proposed by Mr. Crittenden, to settle the controversy between the North and the South finally and forever by a division of the country from ocean to ocean on the parallel of the Missouri line, was the great subject of discussion. Messrs. Crittenden, Douglas and Bigler maintained it with great zeal and ability.

Mr. Douglas reiterated his former determination to consider the question for the preservation of the country, as though he had never cast a vote or uttered a sentiment on the subject before. If that mode of compromise would not answer, he declared himself willing to go for any other consistent with honor or justice.

The appeals of Mr. Crittenden in behalf of the Union are said to have been eloquent and sublime. He, too, was willing to embrace any other effective mode of adjustment.

Mr. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, preferred a division by a line across the country, because in that way the question of slavery could be taken out of Congress and separated entirely from the popular elections in the North, without which we never could have permanent peace.

Messrs. Wade, Doolittle, Collamet and Grimes opposed the proposition with much earnestness and ability. They maintained that the people in the late election decided the question of slavery in Territories, and therefore they had no concessions to make or offer. They manifested great unwillingness to act in the absence of Mr. Seward, but as they could give no assurance of his immediate return the Committee declined to defer action on account of his absence.

Messrs. Davis, Toombs and Hunter discussed the present unhappy condition of the country with unsurpassed ability, and whilst manifesting a willingness to accept any measure of final settlement which would secure their just rights in the Union, insisted that propositions must come from the dominant party, the Republicans.

The vote on Mr. Crittenden's proposition was as follows:

For the proposition--Messrs. Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas. Rice and Powell--5.

Against it--Messrs. Davis, Doolittle, Collamer, Wade, Toombs, Grimes and Hunter--7.

Messrs. Hunter, Toombs and Davis, nevertheless, intimated an inclination to go for it if the Republicans would propose it in good faith.

The second proposition submitted by Mr. Crittenden, denying the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the dockyards and arsenals, was voted against by Messrs. Collamer, Doolittle, Grimes and Wade. The remainder of the committee voted for the proposition, but as it had not a majority of the Republicans, it was defeated under the rules adopted by the committee, that no proposition should be considered adopted and recommended to the Senate which did not receive a majority of the Republican votes, and also a majority of those opposed to the Republicans.

The third clause, denying to Congress the right to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, was defeated by the same vote, the Republicans all voting against it, and the remainder of the committee for it.

The fourth clause, establishing the right of transit, was defeated by the same vote.

The fifth, which is intended to perfect the Fugitive Slave law, by requiring the several States to pay for fugitives who might be rescued from the officers of the law, was lost by the same vote, the Republicans all voting in the negative.

Many other propositions were offered and voted upon, but none of leading importance — none that would meet the great exigencies of the times.

Mr. Davis submitted a resolution expressly recognizing property in slaves, but no vote was taken on it.

Mr. Toombs submitted a series of resolutions, embracing substantially the principles of the Breckinridge platform, but final action was not taken on them.

The committee adjourned to meet at 10 on Monday morning.

December 24, 1860: William H. Russell arrested in New York

As the scandal surrounding Secretary of War John B. Floyd continued to unfold, William H. Russell was arrested in New York City and carried back to Washington, D.C. As bad as the administration of James Buchanan was, this much must be said in Buchanan's defense: there was absolutely no attempt to cover up what had happened. Buchanan made certain that the story was released to the press in full, and the December 25, 1860 edition of the New York Times carried the story of Russell's arrest.

The Arrest of Russell in New-York.

In consequence of information elicited in Washington, Officer ALLEN came on to this City on Sunday in pursuit of the person alleged to be implicated in the wholesale plunder of the public funds. On his arrival he immediately communicated with the United States Marshal, exhibiting a requisition from the authorities of the District of Columbia. Steps were immediately taken to secure the arrest of the accused, who, it was ascertained, was stopping at the Everett House. United States Commissioner BETTS issued his warrant, and early yesterday morning the officers found the person they were in pursuit of. Mr. WM.H. RUSSELL, who was about leaving his hotel. He was conveyed to the Marshal's office in a carriage, and on application Judge BETTS signed the order for the delivery of the accused to the authorities of the District of Columbia. He was conveyed to Washington yesterday afternoon, in the custody of Mr. ALLEN, and one of the Assistant United States Marshals. Mr. RUSSELL, it is well known, has been a large contractor for conveying Indian supplies across the plains. He says he knows nothing about the defalcation.

December 24, 1860: South Carolina declares its reasons for Secession

South Carolina's initial Ordinance of Secession listed no reasons for secession, it simply announced that South Carolina had dissolved its union with the United States. On December 24, 1860 the South Carolina secession convention released a detailed explanation of their decision to take South Carolina out of the Union:

Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union

The people of the State of South Carolina, in Convention assembled, on the 26th day of April, A.D., 1852, declared that the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United States, by the Federal Government, and its encroachments upon the reserved rights of the States, fully justified this State in then withdrawing from the Federal Union; but in deference to the opinions and wishes of the other slaveholding States, she forbore at that time to exercise this right. Since that time, these encroachments have continued to increase, and further forbearance ceases to be a virtue.

And now the State of South Carolina having resumed her separate and equal place among nations, deems it due to herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to the nations of the world, that she should declare the immediate causes which have led to this act.

In the year 1765, that portion of the British Empire embracing Great Britain, undertook to make laws for the government of that portion composed of the thirteen American Colonies. A struggle for the right of self-government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 1776, in a Declaration, by the Colonies, "that they are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do."

They further solemnly declared that whenever any "form of government becomes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government." Deeming the Government of Great Britain to have become destructive of these ends, they declared that the Colonies "are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."

In pursuance of this Declaration of Independence, each of the thirteen States proceeded to exercise its separate sovereignty; adopted for itself a Constitution, and appointed officers for the administration of government in all its departments-- Legislative, Executive and Judicial. For purposes of defense, they united their arms and their counsels; and, in 1778, they entered into a League known as the Articles of Confederation, whereby they agreed to entrust the administration of their external relations to a common agent, known as the Congress of the United States, expressly declaring, in the first Article "that each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right which is not, by this Confederation, expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled."

Under this Confederation the war of the Revolution was carried on, and on the 3rd of September, 1783, the contest ended, and a definite Treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she acknowledged the independence of the Colonies in the following terms: "ARTICLE 1-- His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that he treats with them as such; and for himself, his heirs and successors, relinquishes all claims to the government, propriety and territorial rights of the same and every part thereof."

Thus were established the two great principles asserted by the Colonies, namely: the right of a State to govern itself; and the right of a people to abolish a Government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with the establishment of these principles, was the fact, that each Colony became and was recognized by the mother Country a FREE, SOVEREIGN AND INDEPENDENT STATE.

In 1787, Deputies were appointed by the States to revise the Articles of Confederation, and on 17th September, 1787, these Deputies recommended for the adoption of the States, the Articles of Union, known as the Constitution of the United States.

The parties to whom this Constitution was submitted, were the several sovereign States; they were to agree or disagree, and when nine of them agreed the compact was to take effect among those concurring; and the General Government, as the common agent, was then invested with their authority.

If only nine of the thirteen States had concurred, the other four would have remained as they then were-- separate, sovereign States, independent of any of the provisions of the Constitution. In fact, two of the States did not accede to the Constitution until long after it had gone into operation among the other eleven; and during that interval, they each exercised the functions of an independent nation.

By this Constitution, certain duties were imposed upon the several States, and the exercise of certain of their powers was restrained, which necessarily implied their continued existence as sovereign States. But to remove all doubt, an amendment was added, which declared that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the people. On the 23d May , 1788, South Carolina, by a Convention of her People, passed an Ordinance assenting to this Constitution, and afterwards altered her own Constitution, to conform herself to the obligations she had undertaken.

Thus was established, by compact between the States, a Government with definite objects and powers, limited to the express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the States or to the people, and rendered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights.

We hold that the Government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of Independence; and we hold further, that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third fundamental principle, namely: the law of compact. We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties, the obligation is mutual; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to perform a material part of the agreement, entirely releases the obligation of the other; and that where no arbiter is provided, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of failure, with all its consequences.

In the present case, that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States have deliberately refused, for years past, to fulfill their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own Statutes for the proof.

The Constitution of the United States, in its fourth Article, provides as follows: "No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."

This stipulation was so material to the compact, that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and they had previously evinced their estimate of the value of such a stipulation by making it a condition in the Ordinance for the government of the territory ceded by Virginia, which now composes the States north of the Ohio River.

The same article of the Constitution stipulates also for rendition by the several States of fugitives from justice from the other States.

The General Government, as the common agent, passed laws to carry into effect these stipulations of the States. For many years these laws were executed. But an increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding States to the institution of slavery, has led to a disregard of their obligations, and the laws of the General Government have ceased to effect the objects of the Constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa, have enacted laws which either nullify the Acts of Congress or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from service or labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Government complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obligation; but the current of anti-slavery feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies provided by her own law and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York even the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tribunals; and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the constituted compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non-slaveholding States, and the consequence follows that South Carolina is released from her obligation.

The ends for which the Constitution was framed are declared by itself to be "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity."

These ends it endeavored to accomplish by a Federal Government, in which each State was recognized as an equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights, by giving them the right to represent, and burthening them with direct taxes for three-fifths of their slaves; by authorizing the importation of slaves for twenty years; and by stipulating for the rendition of fugitives from labor.

We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assume the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions; and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution; they have denounced as sinful the institution of slavery; they have permitted open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloign the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes; and those who remain, have been incited by emissaries, books and pictures to servile insurrection.

For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common Government. Observing the *forms* [emphasis in the original] of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that Article establishing the Executive Department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States, whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common Government, because he has declared that that "Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free," and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction.

This sectional combination for the submersion of the Constitution, has been aided in some of the States by elevating to citizenship, persons who, by the supreme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy, hostile to the South, and destructive of its beliefs and safety.

On the 4th day of March next, this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the judicial tribunals shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States.

The guaranties of the Constitution will then no longer exist; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government, or self-protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy.

Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hope of remedy is rendered vain, by the fact that public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanction of more erroneous religious belief.

We, therefore, the People of South Carolina, by our delegates in Convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing between this State and the other States of North America, is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world, as a separate and independent State; with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do.

Adopted December 24, 1860

[Committee signatures]

December 23, 1860: John B. Floyd's plans begin to unravel

President James Buchanan

It had been a busy week for Secretary of War John B. Floyd. Floyd was doing everything he could to weaken the federal defenses in the Charleston Harbor forts. On December 19, 1860, Floyd had specifically ordered Captain D.G. Foster at Fort Sumter to return forty old muskets that he had drawn from the Charleston Arsenal in order to protect Fort Sumter from unruly mobs.

The next day, December 20, 1860--the same day South Carolina had seceded--Floyd had met with one of South Carolina's commissioners, William H. Trescot regarding the status of the Charleston forts. Floyd assured Trescot that the War Department would take no action that would threaten South Carolina. So fulsome were Floyd's assurances, that Trescot left under the impression that James Buchanan himself had promised not to reinforce or strengthen the federal garrison of Charleston in any way.

Having forced the defenders of Fort Sumter to turn their personal weapons back into the Charleston Arsenal--soon to be seized by the State of South Carolina--and then secretly bargaining with South Carolina's representative to make certain that the forts were not defended, Floyd fired off the following message off to Major Robert Anderson in command at Fort Moultrie:

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Washington, December 21, 1860.

Major ANDERSON,
First Artillery, Commanding Fort Moultrie, S. C.:

SIR: In the verbal instructions communicated to you by Major Buell, you are directed to hold possession of the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and, if attacked, to defend yourself to the last extremity. Under these instructions, you might infer that you are required to make a vain and useless sacrifice of your own life and the lives of the men under your command, upon a mere point of honor. This is far from the President’s intentions. You are to exercise a sound military discretion on this subject.

It is neither expected nor desired that you should expose your own life or that of your men in a hopeless conflict in defense of these forts. If they are invested or attacked by a force so superior that resistance would, in your judgment, be a useless waste of life, it will be your duty to yield to necessity, and make the best terms in your power.

This will be the conduct of an honorable, brave, and humane officer, and you will be fully justified in such action. These orders are strictly confidential, and not to be communicated even to the officers under your command, without close necessity.

Very respectfully,
JOHN B. FLOYD.

In the context of his earlier actions, the treachery of this message becomes clear. Let's paraphrase the major points that Floyd makes in his message to Anderson:

1) Even though your orders say "defend yourself to the last extremity," you really shouldn't.
2) If a superior force calls on you to surrender, you should just give up.
3) Don't tell anyone that I told you to do this.

And it goes without saying that if the federal troops in the Charleston Harbor forts were short of weapons, then nearly any force would be superior to them. But Floyd's behind-the-scenes scheming to force the surrender of the Charleston forts had received a major setback on December 22, 1860. On that day, Goddard Bailey had confessed to embezzling $870,000 from the Indian Trust Fund in order to cover payments on $6,000,000 in improper bank drafts that Floyd himself had authorized. When President Buchanan was notified of the breaking scandal, he called a cabinet meeting on Sunday December 23, 1860.

When the cabinet met on December 23, 1860 it immediately proceeded to grill Goddard Bailey on what he had done, when, and for whom. Secretary of the Interior Jacob Thompson, no doubt feeling his own personal honor involved, went to great lengths to get to the bottom of what had occurred. Floyd flatly denied any wrongdoing, but the writing was on the wall: John B. Floyd would have to be asked to resign from the cabinet. President Buchanan nerved himself for a confrontation with Floyd, who was an old friend of his.

December 22, 1860: Goddard Bailey confesses embezzlement

Secretary of War John B. Floyd of Virginia

I've noted before in other posts that the course of history often turns on remarkable coincidences. Another one of those coincidences occurred on December 22, 1860 when a clerk in the Land Office named Goddard Bailey went to his friend Senator Henry Mower Rice and Secretary of the Interior Jacob Thompson and confessed that he had embezzled $870,000 in state bonds from the Indian Trust Fund and had loaned that money to military contractor William H. Russell of Russell, Majors & Waddell. Bailey had hoped that Russell would repay him and that he would be able to replace the bonds before anyone found out they were missing.

Here's what had happened: Russell, Majors & Waddell had provided supplies and transportation to the U.S. Army during the abortive Mormon War of 1858. Congress had dragged its feet in paying for these government contracts, and to help the firm, Secretary of War John B. Floyd had accepted a large number of Russell, Majors & Waddell's drafts for funds. Banks had then advanced funds to the firm on the strength of Floyd's endorsement after Floyd himself asked them to. The amount involved soon grew to more than $6,000,000--a tidy sum in those days. There is also some evidence to suggest that Secretary Floyd got some of that money kicked back to him by Russell for services rendered.

In July 1860, many of these drafts were due and payable and Russell didn't have the money to pay them. If the endorsed notes were exposed as worthless, Russell would be ruined and Secretary Floyd exposed. That's when Russell turned to Goddard Bailey, a lawyer serving as a clerk in the Land Office. Bailey was a distant relative of Floyd's, and when pressured by Russell to loan him money in order to avoid exposing Secretary Floyd to public embarrassment, Bailey produced $150,000 in Missouri and Tennessee bonds and loaned them to Russell. Russell didn't realize it at the time, but the bonds had been taken by Bailey from the Indian Trust Fund. When he found out the source of Bailey's funds, Russell pressed him for more until the total embezzled grew to the $870,000 Bailey confessed to Rice and Thompson. Rice and Thompson informed Buchanan and the rest of the cabinet, and a cabinet meeting was scheduled for the next day.

At the very moment that Secretary of War John B. Floyd was engaged in a dangerous game of trying to frustrate and even sabotage attempts to reinforce Major Robert Anderson and the garrison of the Charleston forts, a scandal--wholly unrelated to his actions in regard to the Charleston forts (which bordered on treason)--had sprung up to ensnare Floyd. Floyd had promised his Southern friends he would deliver the Charleston forts without a fight; now time was running out if Floyd was going to deliver on his promise.

December 22, 1860: Naval Movements

USS Brooklyn

On December 22, 1860 the New York Times reported on the readiness of various units of the U.S. Navy and the transfer of crew for service in the Pacific Squadron. Two of the vessels mentioned, the USS Brooklyn and USS Pawnee, are notable for the active careers they will have during the American Civil War:

Naval.; DEPARTURE OF UNITED STATES SAILORS AND MARINES.

Yesterday the new crew and officers for the United States corvette St. Marys, of the Pacific Squadron, left in the California steamer. The St. Marys has been about two years in commission. She is a first-class corvette, 958 tons burthen, and carries 22 guns. At last advices she had arrived at Panama. Her old officers and crew will return in a few weeks, but the exciting state of political affairs renders their discharge improbable. At present tried men seem to be in demand.

The news of South Carolina's secession causes little or no excitement in the navy. Instructions for the immediate departure for Charleston of United States ships Macedonian, Brooklyn and Pawnee, are expected in spite of the alleged peaceful declaration of the President. The crews of the different vessels now in commission at United States yards are reported to be perfectly trustworthy. Advices from the East Indies squadron report that, in consequence of a most devastating and contagious fever having broken out on the English men-of-war, especially on the Icarus and Hydra, American sailors were ordered to be guarded in their intercourse with their British friends. The note in which this news comes says that Commodore STRIBLING, the Commander-in-Chief of our fleet in the East, was about to have the worthless gunboat Saginaw divested of her armament.

A letter from the African squadron repots the capture by the United States steam corvette Mohican, of another slaver having on board no less than 900 negroes, the largest cargo ever taken on the coast. The disposition of the prize is not made known.

USS Pawnee

December 21, 1860: Lincoln reacts to South Carolina's secession

On December 21, 1860 President-elect Abraham Lincoln reacted to the news of South Carolina's secession by firing off two letters, one to Francis P. Blair, Sr. and one to Congressman Elihu P. Washburne: both concerned the Charleston forts and General Winfield Scott.

Confidential
Hon. F. P. Blair, Ser. Springfield, Ills.

My dear Sir Dec. 21. 1860

Yours giving an account of an interview with Gen. Scott, is received, and for which I thank you. According to my present view, if the forts shall be given up before the inaugeration, the General must retake them afterwards.

Yours truly A. LINCOLN

If the Charleston forts are taken before his own inauguration, then he is going to order General Scott to retake them. That theme is further emphasized in his letter to Washburne.

Confidential
Hon. E. B. Washburne Springfield, Ills.

My dear Sir: Dec. 21. 1860

Last night I received your letter giving an account of your interview with Gen. Scott, and for which I thank you. Please present my respects to the General, and tell him, confidentially, I shall be obliged to him to be as well prepared as he can to either hold, or retake, the forts, as the case may require, at, and after the inaugeration.

Yours as ever A. LINCOLN

Here, Lincoln takes the additional step of asking Washburne to tell General Scott that Lincoln will instruct the general to hold or retake the forts, as necessary, once he is inaugurated. It is still more than two months before his inauguration, but Lincoln is finally beginning to make his policy known behind the scenes. Lincoln is willing to take military action to preserve the Union if necessary.

December 21, 1860: Mary Boykin Chesnut's diary

On December 21, 1860 Mary Boykin Chesnut recorded her reaction, and the reactions of her friends, to the news that South Carolina had seceded.

December 21st. - Mrs. Charles Lowndes was sitting with us to-day, when Mrs. Kirkland brought in a copy of the Secession Ordinance. I wonder if my face grew as white as hers. She said after a moment: "God help us. As our day, so shall our strength be." How grateful we were for this pious ejaculation of hers! They say I had better take my last look at this beautiful place, Combahee. It is on the coast, open to gunboats.

We mean business this time, because of this convocation of the notables, this convention. In it are all our wisest and best. They really have tried to send the ablest men, the good men and true.) South Carolina was never more splendidly represented. Patriotism aside, it makes society delightful. One need not regret having left Washington.

December 21, 1860: "The Treason Consummated" in The New York Times

President James Buchanan

On December 21, 1860 the editors of the New York Times poured out a fierce condemnation of President James Buchanan for his failure to oppose disunion and deter it with a display of military force. They angrily predict that the Charleston forts will be surrendered without a fight and accuse Buchanan of conspiring treasonously with the secessionists to achieve that end.

The Treason Consummated.

Our Washington Correspondent reports that orders have been sent to Maj. ANDERSON to surrender the Charleston Forts if they are attacked. We shall await confirmation of this intelligence before we give it full credit. We concede its probabilty. Every thing in the recent conduct of JAMES BUCHANAN has indicated that he was in close alliance with the Conspirators against the Union. All his official arrangements have looked towards this end. While we hesitate as yet to yield full credence to the reported consummation of his treason, we shall not be at all surprised to find that for weeks before the election, he has been pledged to aid in the achievement of these schemes. We do not forget that two months before the election, the Charleston Mercury, the accredited Disunion organ, assorted that if South Carolina would secede before the 4th of March, she would meet with no resistance, -- adding, with a significance which is now explained, "We know what we say." As long ago as in September last three hundred troops were collected here for the purpose of being sent to Charleston under Lieut. DAVIS to reinforce Fort Moultrie. Just as they were ready to start, the orders were countermanded from Washington and the troops were sent to California. Why this sudden change in their destination?

It is perfectly apparent that the Disunionists have relied implicitly upon Mr. BUCHANAN's countenance and support, from the beginning. Either their knowledge of his inherent cowardice and infidelity to any public trust was the ground of this reliance, or they have had assurances of a more positive and peremptory character. At all events, they have gone forward with all the confidence which his actual participation in their councils could have given them. Mr. MILES, who had just returned from Washington, declared in the Charleston Convention, on Wednesday, that it was best for them to let the improvements on the Forts go forward, -- as it would be "ultimately to their advantage." He could not have said this if he had anticipated being compelled to fight for them. If he contemplated their surrender, and their being used against the Federal Government, he had abundant reason for his remark.

One thing we venture to predict. The surrender of these Forts, under orders from the President, will put an end to all attempts at conciliation, -- to all thoughts of compromise, until they are again in possession of the Government of the United States. The people of this country are not prepared to submit to this extremity of degradation. And if the impeachment of a President who shall thus betray the Government he was chosen to administer, and the Constitution he has sworn to support, does not instantly follow, the consummation of the treason, it will not be from any fault on the part of the people, but because their Representatives at Washington lack the will or the power to execute simple justice on a high offender. We warn the President that the surrender of those Forts to a State in rebellion, will give an entirely new direction to the political discussions of the day.

The historical record doesn't support the New York Times' allegations. As we have seen and will see, Buchanan was trying--ineffectually--to hold the nation together and had tried, again with little effect, to reinforce the Charleston forts. The real villain was Buchanan's Secretary of War John B. Floyd of Virginia, who was working behind the scenes to weaken and delay any attempt to improve the defenses of the Charleston forts, but time was running out for Floyd.

December 21, 1860: The Washington Light Infantry prepare for war

On December 21, 1860, the Richmond Daily Dispatch reported on the preparations for war in Charleston, South Carolina and it described in detail the equipment list for a company of light infantry there, the Washing Light INfantry:

Outfit for War.

The volunteer companies in Charleston are preparing for "field operations." The Mercury publishes the following as the outfit of the Washington Light Infantry, a company numbering 85 men. It is interesting to our military friends:
Single-breasted frock coat, of cadet grey cassimere; one row Palmetto buttons on front. Pants same material, with black stripe inch wide on outer seams. Overcoat same material, army pattern, with cape, &c. Leggins of calf-skin, to lace up as high as the calf of the leg, and to fit snugly over the feet. Belt of black patent leather, with buckle, &c.--Knapsack — a very simple kind, similar to those worn by the Swiss guides, (without the usual wooden frame.) Haversack — enamelled cloth, with leather straps, &c. Canteen of gutta perchs, to hold two quarts — an entirely new article; it fits the person comfortably, and keeps the water pure and fresh.

Rubber cloth--one piece, three feet wide and six feet long to each man — an indispensable article to light troops. Blankets — plain grey-- 5 pt. mackinaw, 3 ½ lbs. in weight. Hat — plain felt, brownish color, looped upon left side. Two pairs winter drawers, two colored flannel shirts, two pairs woolen socks, one extra pair shoes (heavy soles.)

They have also provided twelve rubber caps with capes for the guard in rainy weather, which, with the piece of rubber cloth already alluded to, will keep the men perfectly dry.--Each officer is armed with a revolver and provided with a pocket compass. The captain is provided, in addition, with a field glass.

In addition to this complete outfit, there have been provided India rubber mattresses, pillows, and blankets lined with rubber cloth, India rubber bottles (pints and quarts) for medicines. These are intended for the comfort of the sick, if any there be. Their camp buckets and other utensils are also of rubber goods. The company are daily expecting one hundred improved stand of arms, with cartridge boxes, cap pouches, etc.

December 20, 1860: South Carolina Ordinance of Secession

South Carolina Institute Hall

Thursday, December 20, 1860 was a momentous day. In Washington, D.C. President James Buchanan named prominent attorney and Northern Democratic leader Edwin M. Stanton as his new Attorney General to replace J.S. Black, who had been promoted to Secretary of State to replace Lewis Cass. Stanton was a brilliant attorney, perhaps the most talented lawyer of his day, and an absolutely rock-ribbed Union man. Stanton would be a powerful voice in Buchanan's cabinet against disunion and allowing the seceding states to go in peace.

Having taken care of that bit of business, Buchanan met with William H. Trescot--formerly Lewis Cass' Assistant Secretary of State. Trescot had resigned from the Buchanan administration just days before and was now here representing South Carolina's Governor Francis Pickens. Trescot, along with another South Carolinian, delivered the sealed letter which Pickens had written on December 17, 1860. Buchanan opened the letter and read it. Buchanan promised that he would reply to the letter in a day, and then dismissed the South Carolinians.

As his visitors were leaving, Buchanan called Trescot back and gave him the letter to read. Trescot, an experienced diplomat, saw the problem at once: the letter was high-handed and arrogant. Pickens had insulted Buchanan and had overreached by asking the president to turn over federal property to state troops instead of simply asking Buchanan not to garrison Fort Sumter. Trescot left Buchanan and went to telegraph Pickens to ask him to withdraw the letter, which Pickens later did.

In Charleston, South Carolina the delegates to South Carolina's secession convention met and voted 169 to 0 to approve an ordinance of secession, which was formally signed that evening in a ceremony at the South Carolina Institute, touching off a night of parades and wild celebrations. Ordinance itself was very brief and to the point and gave no reason for South Carolina's secession, it merely stated it as a fact:

AN ORDINANCE to dissolve the union between the State of South Carolina and other States united with her under the compact entitled "The Constitution of the United States of America."

We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, That the ordinance adopted by us in convention on the twenty-third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the "United States of America," is hereby dissolved.

Done at Charleston the twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty.

While the ordinance of secession itself gave no reason for secession, a committee of the secession convention continued to work on a "Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina" which would be released days later.

Back in Washington D.C., President James Buchanan was attending an evening wedding reception when South Carolina Congressman Laurence Keitt burst in shouting the news. Keitt is recorded as crying out "Thank God! Oh, thank God!" Buchanan appeared stunned by the news and immediately left the reception.

That night, in Charleston Harbor, an armed steamer carrying South Carolina militia men patrolled the channel between Fort Moultrie and Fort Sumter to prevent the transfer of the federal garrison to Sumter. The patrollers were there on the orders of Governor Pickens, and they had orders to shoot if they spotted anyone trying to move from Moultrie to Sumter and they refused to stop. The United States of America was poised on the edge of a precipice.

December 19, 1860: Reports from the South Carolina Secession Convention

St. Andrew's Hall, Charleston, South Carolina

From the December 20, 1860 edition of the New York Times:

THE SECESSION MOVEMENT.; LATEST REPORTS FROM THE SOUTH. THE SOUTH CAROLINA STATE CONVENTION. THE CRISIS OF THE UNION.

CHARLESTON, S.C., Wednesday, Dec. 19.

The Convention reassembled this forenoon.

A prayer was offered up by Rev. Dr. CURTIS.

Several new members appeared and took their seats.

One hundred and sixty delegates, on the calling of the roll, were found to be present.

The minutes of yesterday were read.

The President submitted a letter from A. HUGEL, Postmaster at Charleston, offering a messenger to facilitate the delivery of the mail matter from the members of the Convention.

The President also read a letter from Hon. JOHN C. ELMORE, Commissioner for Alabama, inclosing a telegraphic dispatch from Gov. MOORE, dated Montgomery, 17th inst. It was as follows:

To Hon. John A. Elmore:

Tell the Convention to listen to no proposition for compromise or delay. (Signed)

GOVERNOR MOORE.

This dispatch was greeted with loud applause, and subsequently was referred to the Cemmittee to Prepare an Address to the People of the Southern States.

J.P. REED introduced a resolution, first ordering the President to appoint a Cashier and Deputy Cashier; second, ordering the Clerk to superintend the printing of the Convention; third, that reporters for public journals shall be allowed access to the hall for the purpose of reporting; fourth, that the regular hour for meeting shall be 10 o'clock, subject, to a special order; fifth, that an alphabetical list of their members, with their Post-office address, be provided; sixth, that a journal be published and laid on the tables of the members before the time of meeting.

CHARLESTON, Wednesday, Dec. 19.

Mr. KEITT has tendered his resignation to Governor PICKENS.

The Secession Ordinance will probably be reported by Committee to-morrow, and passed immediately.

Several military companies were out this evening, notwithstanding a drenching rain, in homespun uniform. A general parade is contemplated on the day of secession.

OUR CHARLESTON CORRESPONDENCE.