December 31, 1861: Raphael Semmes and the C.S.S. Sumter

The last day of the first year of the war found Raphael Semmes and the C.S.S. Sumter making their way across the Atlantic Ocean towards Europe. From "Memoirs of Service Afloat, During the War Between the States," by Raphael Semmes:

December 31st.—The last day of the year, as though it would atone to us for some of the bad weather its previous days had given us, is charming. There is not a cloud, as big as a man’s hat, anywhere to be seen, and the air is so elastic that it is a positive pleasure to breathe it. The temperature is just cool enough to be comfortable, though the wind is from the north. At daylight, a couple of sail were reported from aloft, but, as they were at a great distance, and out of our course, we did not chase. Indeed, we have become quite discouraged since our experience of yesterday. A third sail was seen at noon, also at a great distance. These are probably the laggards of the great Mediterranean wind-bound fleet. We observed, to-day, in latitude 35° 22′; the longitude being 16° 27′. It becoming quite calm at eight p. m., I put the ship under steam; being about 490 miles from Cadiz.

December 31, 1861: Abraham Lincoln reprimands Major General David Hunter

On this day 150 years ago, Abraham Lincoln found it necessary to reprimand a friend, Major General David Hunter, for his incessant complaints about the size of his command.

TO GENERAL HUNTER.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

Dec.31, 1861

MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER.

DEAR SIR:--Yours of the 23d is received, and I am constrained to say it is difficult to answer so ugly a letter in good temper. I am, as you intimate, losing much of the great confidence I placed in you, not from any act or omission of yours touching the public service, up to the time you were sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grumbling despatches and letters I have seen from you since. I knew you were being ordered to Leavenworth at the time it was done; and I aver that with as tender a regard for your honor and your sensibilities as I had for my own, it never occurred to me that you were being "humiliated, insulted, and disgraced"; nor have I, up to this day, heard an intimation that you have been wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No one has blamed you for the retrograde movement from Springfield, nor for the information you gave General Cameron; and this you could readily understand, if it were not for your unwarranted assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth must necessarily have been done as a punishment for some fault. I thought then, and think yet, the position assigned to you is as responsible, and as honorable, as that assigned to Buell--I know that General McClellan expected more important results from it. My impression is that at the time you were assigned to the new Western Department, it had not been determined to replace General Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not certain, because the idea that a command in Kentucky was very desirable, and one in the farther West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You constantly speak of being placed in command of only 3000. Now, tell me, is this not mere impatience? Have you not known all the while that you are to command four or five times that many.

I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and if, as such, I dare to make a suggestion, I would say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor lies." He who does something at the head of one regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing at the head of a hundred.

Your friend, as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

December 30, 1861: Nathan Bedford Forrest's report on the Action at Sacramento, Kentucky

Nathan Bedford Forrest had been a businessman, planter, and slave trader before the Civil War. Early in the war he enlisted as a private, but he was soon commissioned a lieutenant colonel and authorized to raise a regiment of cavalry that would bear his name. Forrest soon raised his regiment and whipped them into shape. On December 28, 1861, Forrest was reconnoitering Union positions near Sacramento, Kentucky when he encountered a small force of Union cavalry and engaged them in a sharp fight. Two days later, on December 30, 1861, Forrest filed his report on what would become known as "Forrest's First Fight."

HOPKINSVILLE, KY., December 30, 1861.

Under orders to reconnoiter to the front, especially in the direction of Rochester and Greenville, and if deemed best to continue our observations towards Ramsey, my command left camp Thursday, 26th instant, myself with detachments from Companies A, C, and D, First Lieutenant Crutcher, Captains May and Gould with a detachment of 25 men of Captain Meriwethers company, nuder his command, Major Kelly, with detachments from Companies E, F, and G, under Lieutenants Hampton, Kance, and Cowan, having been ordered to Greenville to await orders. Leaving the Greenville road 4 miles from Hopkinsville I moved in the direction of Rochester, until fully satisfied that there were no movements of the enemy in that direction.

The next day, on reaching the Russellville and Greenville road, I turned towards Greenville, and on Saturday morning formed a junction with a detachment of 40 cavalry from Russellville, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Starnes and Captain McLemore, who, with Major Kelly, were awaiting my arrival at Greenville. Colonel Starnes had the day before been at South Carrollton, where he had engaged a party of the enemy, killing 3.

Hearing nothing still from the enemy, it was determined to extend our march to the vicinity of Rumsey. The command, about 300 strong, were moved forward in one column, with advance guard under Captain Meriwether and rear under Captain McLemore; the head of the column under my command; the center under Major Kelly, and the rear under Lieutenant-Colonel Starnes. We had moved 8 miles down the Rumsey road when information reached me that the enemy 500 strong had that morning crossed from Calhoun to Rumsey. My men were ordered to a rapid pace, and as the news of the proximity of the enemy ran down the column it was impossible to repress jubilant and defiant shouts, which reached the height of enthusiasm as the women from the houses waved us forward. A beautiful young lady, smiling, with untied tresses floating in the breeze, on horseback, met the column just before our advance guard came up with the rear of the enemy, infusing nerve into my arm and kindling knightly chivalry within my heart.

One mile this side the village of Sacramento our advance guard came up with their rear guard, who halted, seemingly in doubt whether we were friends or foes. Taking a Maynard rifle, I fired at them, when they rode off rapidly to their column. The column moved up the hill and formed just over its brow. I ordered up the head of my column, telling my men to hold their fire until within good range. The enemy commenced firing from the time we were within 200 yards of them. When we had moved 120 yards farther I ordered my men to fire. After three rounds I found that my men were not up in sufficient numbers to pursue them with success, and as they showed signs of fight, I ordered the advance to fall back. The enemy at once attempted to flank our left, and moved towards us and appeared greatly animated, supposing we were in retreat. They had moved down over 100 yards and seemed to be forming for a charge, when, the remainder of my men coming up, I dismounted a number of men with Sharps carbines and Maynard rifles to act as sharpshooters; ordered a flank movement upon the part of Major Kelly and Colonel Starnes upon the right and left, and the detachments from the companies under my command, still mounted, were ordered to charge the enemys center.

The men sprang to the charge with a shout, while the undergrowth so impeded the flankers that the enemy, broken by the charge and perceiving the movement on their flanks, broke in utter confusion, and, in spite of the efforts of a few officers, commenced a disorderly flight at full speed, in which the officers soon joined. We pressed closely on their rear, only getting an occasional shot, until we reached the village of Sacramento, when, the best mounted men of my companies coming up, there commenced a promiscuous saber slaughter of their rear, which was continued at almost full speed for 2 miles beyond the village, leaving their bleeding and wounded strewn along the whole route. At this point Captain Bacon, and but a little before Captain Burges, were run through with saber thrusts, and Captain Davis thrown from his horse and surrendered as my prisoner, his shoulder being dislocated by the fall. The enemy, without officers, threw down their arms and depended alone upon the speed of their horses. Those of my men whose horses were able to keep up found no difficulty in piercing through every one they came up with, but as my horses were almost run down while theirs were much fresher, I deemed it best to call off the chase, for such it had become, leaving many wounded men hanging to their saddles to prevent their falling from their horses. Returning, we found their dead and wounded in every direction. Those who were able to be moved we placed in wagons. Captains Bacon and Burges were made as comfortable as we could, and applied to the nearest farm house to take care of them.

There were killed on the field and mortally wounded, who have since died, about 65; wounded and taken prisoners, about 35, making their loss about 100. Among their killed were two captains and three lieutenants and several non-commissioned officers.

The fight occurred in the woods; the run was principally along lanes.

I have the pleasure of stating that Colonel Starnes and Major Kelly acted in the most noble and chivalrous manner, and, indeed, I can say that Captain Gould, Captain May, Captain Meriwether (who unfortunately fell in front of the engagement), Lieutenant Crutcher, in command of Captain Overton's company; Lieutenant Nance left in command of Captain Hambrick's company; Lieutenant Cowan, in command of Captain Logan's company (he acting as surgeon at the time), and Lieutenant Hampton, in command of Captain Truett's company, with the men under their respective commands are deserving praise for their conduct.

Our loss was Captain Meriwether and Private Terry, of Captain McLemore's company, killed, and 3 privates slightly wounded; 2 from Captain May's and the other from Captain Hambrick's.

We returned to Greenville the night of the fight (Saturday), and from thence started to camp, and arrived last night.

Before closing this report I most respectfully call your attention to the gallant conduct of Lieutenant Bailey, of Captain Gould's company; Private J. W. Ripley, of Captain May's company, and Private J. M. Luxton, also of Captain May's; and Private B. W. Johnson, of Captain Logan's company, and, indeed, many others, whose horses being not quite so fast, did not come immediately under my own observation. Capt. M. B. Logan (who was acting as surgeon on that occasion) deserves praise for his noble conduct throughout the engagement.

All of which is most respectfully submitted.

Respectfully,

N. B. FORREST,
Colonel, Commanding Forrest Regiment.

General CHARLES CLARK, C. S. A.

December 29, 1861: Elisha Franklin Paxton to his wife

Winchester, December 29, 1861.

The weather opened this morning cloudy and showing signs of snow, but, much to my disappointment, the clouds have passed off leaving a clear sky and pleasant day. It is not often I wish for bad weather, but when it opens a way for me of getting home for a little while I bid it a hearty welcome. It troubled me less when there was no prospect of getting a leave of absence and no use of asking it; but as I have been so anxiously indulging the hope of late, it troubles me much to have it deferred. If the bright sunshine of to-day is destined to last, you need not expect me, for Jackson is not disposed to lie idle when there is an opportunity to win laurels for himself and render service to our cause. The arrival of our forces from the West under Loring has given him a very fine army, which I think he is disposed to turn to a very profitable use as soon as an occasion may offer itself. I have much reason to be gratified at the proofs of his good opinion and confidence which I am continually receiving from him. I can rely upon his influence and efforts for my promotion, but my ambition does not run in that direction. The sympathies of my heart and my aspirations for the future are all absorbed in the wife and little ones left at home, and my highest ambition is to spend my life there in peace and quiet. The hope of winning military titles and distinction could not tempt me to leave home, if I were left to consult my wishes and feelings alone. But the sense of public duty which prompts us, and the strong public sentiment which forces us, to leave our homes and families for the public service, now with equal force compels us to remain. If we left the army now, it would be at the sacrifice of such good opinion as we have of ourselves and the good opinion entertained of us by our neighbors and friends at home. Our term of service will expire in May, when each will be left to pursue for himself such course as duty and inclination may then determine. It is sad indeed, to think of being a stranger in my own home, that wife and children are becoming used to my absence and forced by it to seek other sources of happiness than that which we used to have when the society of each other was the greatest source of enjoyment. When separation is so long protracted it seems akin to that which lasts forever, when the body has gone to its long home in the grave and the soul for weal or woe to eternity, when the loved left behind to mourn our loss are no longer left a hope, and after a while become used to the desolation which death has left them. But hope whispers, Love, that all may yet be well with us. The storm may pass away, and, living happily together in after years, it will be a source of pride and happiness to us that the duty patriotism exacts of me now has been faithfully discharged, and the pleasure and comfort of home for the time foregone.

I wrote you a long business letter on Friday, in which you will think, no doubt, I have marked out work enough to keep you employed next year. You will be too busy to think of me and the troubles which this war is bringing on us. Now, darling, as my half sheet is finished I will bid you good-bye. Kiss my three little baby boys for me, and send me your likeness -- the old one which I used to have -- by the first person who comes from Lexington.

December 28, 1861: "England must Break the blockade"

HMS Warrior, the most powerful ship in the world in 1861

On this day 150 years ago, the editors of Richmond's Daily Dispatch looked longingly over the North Atlantic Ocean to Great Britain and hoped that the British Royal Navy would soon break the blockade. The Daily Dispatch for December 28, 1861 included a reprint of an editorial from the London Weekly that echoed the hopes of many Southerners.

England must Break the blockade.

[From Reynold's London Weekly] One important fact which ought never to be lost sight of in this controversy is that the Southern people and statesmen are extremely anxious to be on friendly political and commercial relations with this country. They want our manufactured goods in exchange for their cotton and tobacco. The produce of the Lancashire looms, of the Scottish and English foundries, of the engine manufacturers of the Tyne and Clide, of the street shops of Sheffield, of the metal works of Birmingham, now excluded from the Southern and Northern States by the Merrill and other protective tariffs, will be eagerly welcomed by the Southern States when once their independence is established or rather as soon as the blockade is raised, for the independence of the Confederation is now an accomplished fact, which not all the might of moon-stricken Yankeedom can undo.--When in addition to this it is bored in mind that the storehouses of New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, and other ports are cram-full, piled from cellar to ceiling with that raw cotton, for the want of which our looms are standing still, our artisans starving, and our manufacturers becoming insolent, it is impossible not to perceive that an overwhelming case in favor of the immediate raising of the blockade by the British fleet has been made.

The idea of procuring from other places enough of cotton to save us from the impending disaster is simply fatuous. Taking the two elements of quantity and quality into account, it is safe to assert that not from any or all ports of the world can we find an equivalent for the American cotton of which we are now deprived. As for the East Indies--the region from which the most sanguine expectations are now cherished — nothing but the grossest ignorance could have given birth to the delusion. That it is a delusion to believe that now, or for years yet, a sufficient supply of cotton can be procured from that country to render us independent of American everybody who has looked into the matter must admit. To grow enough cotton in India, and to provide the ways and means by which it can be transported to England at such terms as will induce manufacturers to purchase it, cannot, on the most moderate computation, be accomplished in less than ten years.

But even if enough of East India cotton could be instantly and cheaply procured, it would not enable the Lancashire mills to keep working. The reason is obvious. East India cotton is both coarser and shorter in fibre than the American. Now, in nineteen out of every twenty mills in this country, the machinery was constructed for the manufacture of the longer and finer fibered product of the American cotton. To adapt this machinery to the East India cotton would necessitate a complete revolution and reconstruction of our machinery.

This indispensable alteration could not be effected in less time than twelve months, or at less cost than fifty millions sterling. But in the meantime, what is to become of our unemployed and famishing citizens ! Why, the very evil which we dread and which we are doing all in our power to prevent, would have taken place, so that before the cotton of India could be got or the machinery prepared for its manufacture, the probabilities are, that we should have no mills to refit, no operatives to employ, no commerce to secure and no country to save.

Once more, then, we call upon our country; aye, and upon our country women, to take instant and energetic action in this matter. But, to the working classes in an especial and emphatic manner, we address our appeal.--Why should they see their wives in rags, their children famishing, their cupboards empty, their grates fireless, their homes denuded or every article of furniture, themselves pressed into pauperism or coerced into crime, because the mad and mean government of the Northern States has committed itself to one of the most foolish and wicked wars ever waged by one power against another ? Were they to be guilty of such complicity in their own extinction, the verdict of the rest of the world would be, that their cowardice was only equaled by their criminality, so that a set of more unmitigated imbeciles never walked or crawled upon the face of the earth. It is, therefore, the most sacred and bounden duty of the working classes, and, indeed, of all classes — but of the former in a precipitant degree — to take up this question and make use of all the constitutional mockery at their disposal, in order to induce the British government to interpose its power for the preservation of our commerce from ruin, and our citizens from starvation.

December 27, 1861: Negro Hiring for 1862 in Richmond

The image that many Americans have today of Southern slavery typically envisions the "peculiar institution" as a rural phenomenon, situated on plantations. In fact, in Virginia, where there were more slaves than could be profitably employed in agriculture, a system of slave industrial labor had evolved. Slave owners used agents to help them find jobs for slaves, typically for a year's contract. At the end of the year, during the holidays, many of these slaves were allowed to return to the country to visit their families. At the same time the slaves were on vacation, Richmond's slave agents were gearing up for another season of "negro hiring" that would allocate slave labor to the city's various industries. From Richmond's Daily Dispatch of December 27, 1861.

Negro Hiring for 1862.

The subscribers have associated themselves together to conduct a
General Agency business.

In the city of Richmond, embracing the Hiring out of Negroes, Renting out Houses, Selling Real and Personal Estate, &c.

Their special attention will be given to Hiring out Negroes; and from the long experience which each have had feel confident that they will be able to procure fair prices and good homes for all negroes entrusted to their care. They solicit a continuance of that liberal patronage heretofore bestowed upon each of them. They have made ample arrangements to have negroes cared for till hired out; and in cases of sickness will give our personal attention.

We earnestly request our friends to send their negroes to us by the 1st of January. Better prices and better homes can be obtained by sending them in early. E. A. J. Clopton,

Ro. B. Lyne

Office corner of Franklin and Wall streets. opposite Dickerson & Hill. up stairs.

de25 — dt 5th Jan.

Negro Hiring 1862.

The undersigned offers his services to his friends, and the public generally, for hiring out Negroes the ongoing season; and thankful for past favors, again solicits a share of their patronage.
Alfred L. Holladay,

Office on Cary st., bet. 11th and 12th

de 26--12t

Negro Hiring 1862.

Charles S. Maurice. General Agent and Collector, Office No. 73 Main street, Richmond, Va. tenders his services to the public generally for Renting out Houses, selling Real Estate, Hiring out Servants, negotiating Loans, and collecting Debts.
In Hiring out servants, I shall be careful to select comfortable homes and fair prices and will be prompt in making collections and payments to owners.

Good quarters will also be furnished to servants until homes are procured for them. Satisfactory references given. Letter address, box 1,014, Richmond, Va de 23 --lm

Edward D. Eacho, General Agent and Collector.

Office on 14th, between Main and Franklin sts., corner of Exchange Alley,
Richmond, Virginia,

Would respectfully inform his friends and the public generally, that he will continue the same line of business the ensuing year, viz: Renting out Houses, Farms, &c., Selling Real Estate, Hiring out and Selling Negroes, Negotiating Loans, Collecting Bands, Notes and Open Accounts Adjusting Claims, and a tending to all matters appertaining to a General Agent.

Thankful for the liberal patronage he has received for the last nine years, would respectfully solicit a continuance of the same.

Persons in the country intending to send me their servants for hire, would please do so if possible by the 1st or 2d of January, in order that good prices and comfortable homes may be secured de 19--lm.

Negro Hiring for 1862.

Wm. S. Phillips, General Agent and Collector, will continue to Hire out Negroes, Rent out Houses, Settle and Collect Claims of every description appertaining to an Agency. He takes this opportunity of returning his sincere thanks to his numerous patrons for their liberal petronage, and hopes, by strict attention to business, to merit a continuation of the same. de 23--d&sw3w.

December 26, 1861: Elisha Franklin Paxton to his wife

Winchester, December 26, 1861.

I applied to-day for a furlough, but was much disappointed to find that an order has been made that none shall be granted. I was promising myself much happiness in spending a few days with you at New Year's, and am much grieved that it has to be deferred -- I hope, however, not very long. I will come as soon as I can get permission. Fair weather cannot last much longer, and winter must soon set in, which will stop active operations, and then I suppose I can get leave to go home for a while. I will make this note short so as to try and get it in to-day's mail. Your box just came to hand as I left the camp this morning, for which accept many thanks. Good-bye, dearest.

December 25, 1861: John B. Jones has no white paper

While observing the First Battle of Bull Run, New York Congressman Alfred Ely was taken a prisoner by the Confederates. Ely was imprisoned in Richmond's Libby Prison for nearly six months. On December 25, 1861, Congressman Ely was exchanged for Charles James Faulkner, who had been the Confederate Minister to France. As part of the process of his exchange, Ely had a brief meeting with Confederate war clerk John B. Jones.

December 25th.—Mr. Ely, the Yankee member of Congress, who has been in confinement here since the battle of Manassas, has been exchanged for Mr. Faulkner, late Minister to France, who was captured on his return from Europe. Mr. Ely smiled at the brown paper on which I had written his passport. I told him it was Southern manufacture, and although at present in a crude condition, it was in the process of improvement, and that “necessity was the mother of invention.” The necessity imposed on us by the blockade would ultimately redound to our advantage, and might injure the country inflicting it by diminishing its own products. He smiled again, and said he had no doubt we should rise to the dignity of white paper.

December 24, 1861: The Irish Brigade celebrates Christmas

From "The Irish brigade and its campaigns" by Captain David Power Conyngham:

It is no wonder that most of the regiment were gathered around there, for it was Christmas Eve, and home-thoughts and home-longings were crowding on them; and old scenes and fancies would arise with sad and loving memories, until the heart grew weary, and even the truest and tenderest longed for home associations this blessed Christmas Eve.

No wonder if amidst such scenes, the soldier's thought fled back to his home, to his loved wife, to the kisses of his darling child, to the fond Christmas greeting of his parents, brothers, sisters, friends, until his eyes were dimmed with the dews of the heart. The exile feels a longing desire, particularly at Christmas times, for the pleasant, genial firesides and loving hearts of home. How many of that group will, ere another Christmas comes round, sleep in a bloody and nameless grave I Generous and kind hands may smooth the dying soldier's couch ; or he may linger for days, tortured by thirst and pain, his festering wounds creeping with maggots, his tongue swollen, and a fierce fever festering up his body as he lies out on that dreary battlefield; or, perhaps, he has dragged himself beneath the shade of some pine to die by inches, where no eye but God's and his pitying angels' shall see him, where no human aid can succor him. Years afterwards, some wayfarer may discover a skeleton with the remains of a knapsack under the skull. This is too often the end of the soldier's dreams of glory, and all

"The pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war."

It is but a short transition from love, and hope, and life, to sorrow and death.

Another Christmas, and many a New England cottage, and many a home along the Rhine and the Shannon, will be steeped in affliction for the loving friends who have laid their bones on the battlefields of Virginia.

If any indulged in such reflections, the lively tones of Johnny O'Flaherty's fiddle, and the noisy squeaks of his father's bagpipes, soon called forth the joyous, frolicksome nature of the Celt.

Groups were dancing, around the fire, jigs, reels, and doubles.

Even the colored servants had collected in a little group by themselves, and while some timed the music by slapping their hands on their knees, others were capering and whirling around in the most grotesque manner, showing their white teeth, as they grinned their delight, or " yah-yahed," at the boisterous fun.

The dance is enlivened by laugh, song, story, and music; and the canteen, filled with wretched "commissary" goes freely around, for the men wish to observe Christmas-times right freely.

"Arrah musha, Johnny O'Flaherty, sthop that fiddle and take a drink, alanna," said a why red-haired man, with a strong Kerry accent. " Do, Johnny," said the father, who had taken a long pull at the canteen himself, and now proffered it to his son.

"It is as well to keep up our spirits by pouring spirits down, for sure there's no knowing where well be this night twelvemonth," exclaimed another of the group, as with a sigh he comforted himself from his canteen.

"Thrue for you. Bill Dooley; shure myself thinks that our rations will be mighty short again another Christmas comes round," said a little cynic, who was pulling very hard at a dudeen.

"Begor then, Jem, maybe they would be long enough for us." .

"Well, boys, long or short we won't disgrace the poor ould dart, any way."

"Bravo, Mannigan, bravo! you said the truth in that."

"Bad scran if I can see what the ould dart (Ireland) has to do with it at all, at all," replied the cynic, as he knocked the ashes out of his pipe against the log.

"Oh, dear me! do ye hear that? and would you disgrace it?" exclaimed an indignant patriot.

"And shure won't they be lookin' at us at home, to see how we'll fight?" said another.

"An' I'd rather be in my grave, any day, than have it said that I was a coward," said a young fellow, slapping his hand forcibly on his thigh.

"Well, that's all very fine," said the cynic, who, seeing the force of evidence against him, was fain to recant ; "but, boys, if we were fighting for the poor ould dart, wonldn't it be glorious?"

"Bad luck to you, Jeff Davis, any way ; only for you we'd be at home, comfortable and happy, with the girls, this blessed Christmas Eve!" exclaimed a lovesick youth.

How often in the lull of battle have I heard the Irish soldier, begrimed with powder, as he grasped his comrades' hands, exclaim, "What harm, if it were for the poor old dart ?"

How is it that the Government of England is blind to the ruin that a people so numerous and powerful in foreign countries, and hating her so intensely, is sure to bring on her in her hour of trouble ?

It might be politic to try conciliation, instead of coercion, on such a people.

The dance was followed by songs; and those soft, impassioned Irish airs, "The girl I left behind me," and "Home, Sweet Home," flowed sweetly and softly from hearts that felt their full force ; but as the strong political songs of "The Rapparee," and "The Green above the Red," and "Fontenoy," were chorused by a hundred throats, that dark group of soldiers, scattered around the fire, looked as if ready to grasp their muskets and rush on some hidden foe.

These innocent and exciting revels continued until the tinkle of a small bell from a rustic chapel suddenly hushed the boisterous mirth, and all arose, reverentially doffed their hats, and proceeded to the chapel.

Fathers Willett and Dillon were going to celebrate the midnight Mass. The chapel tents were as well decorated as circumstances would allow. In front of the open tent in which the priest officiated were rude benches of hewn logs, sheltered on each side and overhead by boughs of trees, supported by poles.

The chapel was situated on the brow of a hill, and tall cedars and pines flung their sheltering arms over it.

Father Dillon was chanting a Low Mass, the responses being made by Quartermaster Haverty and Captain O'Sullivan, while the attentive audience crowded the small chapel, and were kneeling outside on the damp ground under the cold night-air.

Father Dillon read the beautiful gospel from Saint Luke, giving an account of the joumeyings of Joseph and Mary, and the birth of the infant Saviour in the manger at Bethlehem ; after which his hearers quietly retired to their tents.

The weather in camp wafi fine, almost resembling an Indian-summer. A slight frost at night and a shower of soft snow were the only indications of winter.

In Virginia, the weather at this season is generally mild and balmy, with little of the heavy frost and angry storms that rage at the North.

Such was Christmas morning, 1861, in the camp of the Irish Brigade, where willing hearts piously welcomed this holy festival, laden with the richest freight of happy recollections.

December 23, 1861: The Diary of John B. Jones

December 23d.—Gen. T. J. Jackson has destroyed a principal dam on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. That will give the enemy abundance of trouble. This Gen. Jackson is always doing something to vex the enemy; and I think he is destined to annoy them more.

It is with much apprehension that I see something like a general relaxation of preparation to hurl back the invader. It seems as if the government were waiting for England to do it; and after all, the capture of Slidell and Mason may be the very worst thing that could have happened. Mr. Benjamin, I learn, feels very confident that a rupture between the United States and Great Britain is inevitable. War with England is not to be thought of by Mr. Seward at this juncture, and he will not have it. And we should not rely upon the happening of any such contingency. Some of our officials go so far as to hint that in the event of a war between the United States and Great Britain, and our recognition by the former, it might be good policy for us to stand neutral. The war would certainly be waged on our account, and it would not be consistent with Southern honor and chivalry to retire from the field and leave the friend who interfered in our behalf to fight it out alone. The principal members of our government should possess the highest stamp of character, for never did there exist a purer people.

December 22, 1861: Major General Henry W. Halleck's General Orders No. 32

In response to a wave of railroad bridge burnings, Union Major General Henry W. Halleck issued his General Orders, No 32.

General Orders, No 32.
Hdqrs. Department Of The Missouri,
Saint Louis, Mo., December 22,1861.

I. Insurgent rebels scattered through the northern counties of this State which are occupied by our troops under the guise of peaceful citizens have resumed their occupation of burning bridges and destroying railroads and telegraph wires. These men are guilty of the highest crime known to the code of war and the punishment is death. Any one caught in the act will be immediately shot, and any one accused of this crime will be arrested and placed in close confinement until his case can be examined by a military commission and if found guilty he also will suffer death.
II. Where injuries are done to railroads or telegraph lines the commanding officer of the nearest post will immediately impress into service for repairing damages the slaves of all secessionists in the vicinity and if necessary the secessionists themselves and their property. Any pretended Union man having information of intended attempts to destroy such roads and lines or of the guilty parties who does not communicate such intention to the proper authorities and give aid and assistance in arresting and punishing them will be regarded as particeps criminis and treated accordingly.
III. Hereafter the towns and counties in which such destruction of public property takes place will be made to pay the expenses of all repairs unless it be shown that the people of such towns or counties could not have prevented it on account of the superior force of the enemy.

By order of Major-General Halleck:
J. C. KELTON, Assistant Adjutant-General.

December 21, 1861: John H. Worsham and "the quickest march we made during the war"

John H. Worsham described his unit's fastest march during the war in his memoir entitled "One of Jackson's Foot Cavalry." Worsham was a member of Company F of the 21st Regiment Virginia Infantry, and he told how it was that the 21st's march on December 21, 1861, went at such a fast pace.

WE were encamped in Augusta County, about one and a half miles north of Staunton. In the valley, that great place for wheat, flour, and hogs, and democrats, the latter could always be heard from in counting the votes after an election.

We remained here until the 10th of December, when we took up our march to join Jackson at Winchester. We marched along quietly each day, until we reached Mt. Jackson on the 20th. It was the custom, during the war, to march with the right of the regiment in front one day, and the left next day. On the 20th the left was marching in front. That threw our company in the rear, as we were the right company. During the day the left led off several times in quick time, which gave our company hard marching. Few know how much easier it is to march in front of a regiment than in the rear. That night our company decided that we would get even next day with the left, and if the officers did not interfere, we would give it to them. Soon after getting into the road the next morning our captain told Sergeant Rawlings, who was leading the company, to step out. Now Sergeant Rawlings was just the man to do it, as he was a powerful man physically, with great endurance. He stepped out at quick time, and kept that pace during the march. In six hours and a half after leaving Mt. Jackson, we went into camp at Strasburg, marching twenty-three and one-half miles. It was said by some of the boys who timed us, that we marched three miles at one time in thirty-three minutes. This was the quickest march we made during the war.

December 20, 1861: Rabbi Arnold Fischel to Henry Hart

332 Pennsylvania Ave.
Washington, Dec. 20, 1861

My Dear Sir,

My letter, containing a copy of the President's letter to me, must have reached you on Monday last, and has, I hope, afforded you the same satisfaction it gave me on receiving the same. In accordance with my views described therein, I had an interview with the members of the Military Committee, to whom the President will submit the new law, and learned from them, that perhaps a fortnight will elapse before the bill will come under consideration, that they will bear in mind my suggestions and will be glad to receive my views in writing. Consequently, I will draw up a memorial next week, but before I transmit it to them, I will send you a copy so that you may suggest any alteration in the document. Petitions in favor of Jewish chaplains have been presented by the Senators from Illinois, Iowa and Massachusetts, all of which were referred to the Military Committee. I cannot understand why the Senator from N. York has not presented yr petition. Mr. Conkling presented yr petition to the House, and, strange enough, had it referred to the judiciary instead of the military committee, I presume with the view of ascertaining the constitutionality of the law, but, I fear that no action will be taken in that quarter, and that it will lie there, together with many other petitions that are not pushed through by powerful political influences. As I have no time to write to Mr. Isaacs, you would oblige me by requesting him to urge, in "The Messenger", upon all petitioners to send in the petitions at once and request their representatives to have them referred to the Military Committee. I expect that within a month the matter will be settled to our satisfaction.

Now that I have visited all the camps and hospitals in Virginia, I have a distinct idea of what has to be done, and what can be done. The number of Jews in the army is very large, I found some even among Berdan's Sharpshooters. As a general rule, they are not known as Jews, but hundreds with whom I have conversed express their anxiety and hope that some provision may be made for them, so that in case of sickness or death, they be not left to the mercy of strangers. This was more forcibly impressed upon my mind by the numerous Jewish patients I visited in the Hospitals, nearly all of whom complained that they had not seen a "Yehudee" since they entered the Hospitals, that they have in addition to the sufferings of disease, to submit to the torture of religious controversy, forced upon them by Christian clergymen, who are anxious "to save their souls" (!), and all expressed the wish to be interred in a Jewish burial-ground. I had to write letters for some of them, who had not been able to communicate with their friends. The arrangements in the Hospitals are excellent. I have not yet been able to visit Genl Banks' division, as it takes from 7 to 8 hours by rail to reach Frederic Jcn where he is now stationed, but I expect to go there on Sunday and pass a few days in that army.

In case permanent provision be made by yr Board for a Jewish chaplain for this army, at least until Govt. provides one, I would suggest the following "modus operandi": 1st that he be required to visit the hospitals daily. 2ly that he visit each division of the army once a week, and 3ly that a card be extensively circulated in the camps to the effect that Jewish soldiers in camps and hospitals who are in need of personal assistance send in a written request to Dr._______...& etc. Every Jewish soldier would then have the opportunity of enjoying the chaplain's services at any time he may wish. The Generals have even promised me every facility for religious services.

This remarkably mild here for this season of the year, so much so that I have not yet had the occasion to wear an overcoat.

Wishing you good Shabbat, I remain,

Respectfully yrs,
A. Fischel

Henry I. Hart, Esq.
N. York

December 19, 1861: The trials of Andrew H. Foote

In Cairo, Illinois, Flag Officer Andrew H. Foote, U.S. Navy, struggled mightily to overcome bureaucratic obstacles to the completion of the Western Gunboat Flotilla. It was a question of rank and allocation of resources. For administrative purposes, the flotilla had first been placed under army command with navy officers on loan to command. Now the Navy Department was having second thoughts.

CAIRO, December 19, 1861.

Our masters and officers are all appointed. As we are organized, a change now would greatly embarrass the flotilla. I consider it impolitic to transfer flotilla to the Navy. I would have preferred at first to have it solely under the Navy Department.

A.H. FOOTE,
Flag-Officer.

G.V. Fox.

Foote needed men, but the Union Army under Halleck was slow to give up volunteers that had riverboat experience. He evidently thought that if the flotilla was transferred to the navy, then Halleck would demand his troops back.


Even as Foote had to beg Halleck for men, he had to ask Halleck to stop interfering with the free movement of Foote's men between Cairo, Chicago, and St. Louis as they attended to the finishing details of the new ironclad gunboats

CAIRO, December 19, 1861.

SIR: In reply to your note of the 17th, I respectfully request that you will send 500 men immediately to the flotilla. General Grant will give the men accommodations on shore for a day or two, until I can distribute them among the boats. I will inform you when we are ready to receive another detachment of men.

In a telegram from the Secretary of the Navy, he informs me that the Department can hardly supply the demand for seamen on the coast, and that General McClellan will furnish the men required, or rather will order 1,100 men to be detached for the, gunboats.

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,

A.H. FOOTE,
Flag-Officer, etc.

Major-General H. W. HALLECK,
Commanding Army of the West, etc.

P.S. My passes here have been refused, and the general agent at Chicago also declines honoring them. This embarrasses my work a good deal, as I am obliged to send officers and men frequently on duty to St. Louis to expedite our work, as well as to send home discharged seamen, etc. I presume it was not your intention to have my passes stopped, and therefore respectfully request that you will direct the agent to have them honored in the future.

A.H.F.

Andrew Foote would prove to be an able combat commander, but as these messages suggest, Foote had also to be an effective bureaucratic warrior as well.

December 18, 1861: A letter to Judah P. Benjamin

On December 18, 1861, Judah P. Benjamin had been Secretary of War for the Confederacy for three months and a day. Benjamin had no prior experience in military affairs prior to his being chosen to replace Leroy P. Walker. Benjamin's term as Secretary of War was rocky from the start. Many men with greater military resented Benjamin's second guessing of their decisions, but in many cases Benjamin was simply implementing instructions from Jefferson F. Davis. Benjamin received many letters like this one, dated December 18, 1861, which is from Confederate Congressman John W. Brockenbrough. Brockenbrough is passing on the concerns of one of his constituents that the withdrawal of a small Confederate army from Allegheny Mountain would leave the Shenandoah Valley and Staunton, Virginia wide open to Union attack. Just days before, the Confederates on Allegheny Mountain had turned back a Union attack on their position.

Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of War:

CONGRESS HALL,

December 18, 1861.

DEAR SIR:

I beg leave respectfully to ask your attention to the inclosed letter from Adam Stephenson, esq., a leading citizen of Monterey, remonstrating against the withdrawal of our little force on the top of the Allegheny. Had this little but most gallant army been crushed by the late advance of the enemy upon our lines in seemingly overwhelming numbers, there would have been no obstacle to an onward march to Staunton, in the very heart of the Valley of Virginia. I trust there is no foundation for the rumor which has so much agitated the population of that part of the valley, that it is the purpose of the Government to deprive them of all protection.

Respectfully submitted.

JOHN W. BROCKENBROUGH.

December 16, 1861: Salt production in Georgia

On this day 150 years ago, the Georgia legislature passed legislation to encourage the production of salt. Georgia's supply of salt--crucial to food preservation--had been almost completely choked off by the Union blockade after less than a year of war.

An Act to encourage the manufacture of Salt within the limits of

the State of Georgia, and for other purposes.

WHEREAS, The supply of salt, in consequence of the blockade of the ports of this State, is exceedingly limited, and much inconvenience must result to the people unless measures are afforded to manufacturers of said article.

1. SEC. I. Be it enacted, That his Excellency the Governor of this State, be and he is hereby authorized to draw his warrant upon the Treasury of this State, for the sum of fifty thousand dollars; which said sum, in his discretion, shall be advanced without interest, to any Company or Corporation, which has been or may hereafter be established in this State for the manufacture of salt: the advance so made to be secured to the State by mortgage, or otherwise, and to be refunded to the Treasury aforesaid, at such time or times, as may be designated by the said Governor, after peace shall have been restored between the United States and Confederate States of America.

2. SEC. II. Be it further enacted, That the Governor is hereby authorized to draw his warrant, or several warrants, upon the Treasury of Georgia, in favor of such persons or Corporations as may be engaged, or may hereafter engage in the manufacture of salt, not to exceed in all the sum of fifty thousand dollars; and the Governor may draw for any part of said sum, in favor of any responsible parties or corporations, in sums as may be, in each case, agreed upon; Provided, that in each case, before the same shall be drawn from the Treasury, good and sufficient security shall be given by the party or corporation in whose favor it shall be made, in bond or mortgage; the sufficiency of the security to be judged of by the Governor, and the time of repayment to the State to be likewise stipulated by his Excellency; Provided, that no interest shall be charged on the sum or sums so advanced.

SEC. III. Repeals conflicting laws.

Assented to December 16, 1861.

December 15, 1861: Elisha Franklin Paxton to his wife

Winchester, December 15, 1861.

Life in camp is generally dull with me, and I feel especially dull to-day. I have sometimes had a job, such as road-making at Centreville or my late excursion to the Potomac, which kept me busy enough; but these only happen now and then, and but for them my life would be idle enough, I am sure. When here in camp it really seems that I have no way of employing myself. I sometimes think I would prefer a more active campaign, winter as it is. With my stock of bed-clothes I think I could sleep quite comfortably even at this season in a fence corner, but it would not be so comfortable to the soldiers, who are not so well provided with such means of a comfortable night's rest. If the weather continues open and the cold not too severe, I think it possible we may have some activity in our operations this winter. But of this no one can speak with any ce rtainty but Jackson, and even he with but little, as his operations depend upon contingencies over which he has no control.

I sometimes look to the future with much despondency. I think most of our volunteers will quit the service when their year expires, and the news I get from Rockbridge gives me but little reason to hope that many more will volunteer to fill the places thus made vacant in our army. If they come at all, I fear it will be by compulsion. I fear there are more who are disposed to speculate off our present troubles, and turn them to pecuniary profit, than there are to sacrifice personal comfort and pecuniary interest and risk life itself for the promotion of our cause. My judgment dictates to me to pursue the path which I believe to be right, and to trust that the good deed may meet with its just reward. Nothing else could induce me to bear this sad separation from my darling wife and dear little children. This distresses me. I care nothing for the exposure and hardships of the service. But, Love, I should be more cheerful, and if sometimes oppressed with a feeling of sadness, should try to suppress it from you; for I should try and detract nothing from your happiness, which I fear I do in writing in so sad a strain.

And now, Love, good-bye. I shall be glad indeed to hear that you are out of your bed, and happier still to know, by a letter in your familiar hand, that you are nearly well and out of danger. When the winter sets in so cold that there can be no possible use for my services here, I shall try and get leave to spend a week with you at home. I don't think that snow can keep off much longer.

December 14, 1861: Abraham Lincoln to Arnold Fischel

Days earlier, Rabbi Arnold Fischel had visited with Abraham Lincoln to ask him to help change the law that limited army chaplains to christians only. On this day 150 years ago, Lincoln sent his reply to Fischel's request.

Rev. Dr. A. Fischel Executive Mansion, December 14, 1861.

My dear Sir: I find that there are several particulars in which the present law in regard to Chaplains is supposed to be deficient, all of which I now design presenting to the appropriate Committee of Congress. I shall try to have a new law broad enough to cover what is desired by you in behalf of the Israelites. Yours truly,

A. LINCOLN.

December 13, 1861: A Tale of Two Markets

The blockade of the Southern Confederacy by the Union Navy is a topic that fascinates me. For a number of years after the war it was widely accepted that the blockade had been a major factor in weakening the Southern war effort. Then, in 1931, Southern historian Frank L. Owsley published his book King Cotton Diplomacy, in which he argued that the blockade was a nullity--that it had no impact on the outcome of the war. It has since become fashionable to cite Owsley and make long lists of ships that successfully ran the blockade in support of his position.

I believe that the blockade had a very real, very deep impact on the Southern war effort, and that the blockade began to "bite" the South much earlier then has heretofore been supposed. Historian Charles B. Dew studied the operation of Richmond's Tredegar Iron Works during the Civil War in his brilliant history Ironmaker to the Confederacy. Dew found that while the Tredegar works had a theoretical capacity to process 20,000 to 24,000 tons of iron a year--producing cannon, armor plate, railroad rails, and other critical supplies for the confederacy--the Tredegar works never received more than 8,000 tons of iron to process in any single year of the war (Dew, Charles B., Ironmaker to the Confederacy pages 166-175). The Union blockade of the James River choked off the Tredegar works' access to foreign sources of iron and high quality coal, and effectively cut the production of the South's largest ironworks by two-thirds, almost immediately after the outbreak of the war.

Another way of measuring the blockade's impact is to look at its impact on Southern markets, and by comparing the state of these markets to prewar levels. On December 13, 1861, Richmond's Daily Dispatch published the following description of Richmond's commodity markets on the day before, December 12, 1861.

Richmond Markets, Dec. 12, 1861.

The market is of course unsalted, and the general trade peculiar to the times. We give the best view of the market we could obtain.

Bacon.--Stock light. We quote Hog-round 23 to 23 cts; Sides 28 cts.; Shoulders 23 cts.

Butter.--The stock of Butter is larger, and prices not so firm. We quote cooking dull at 30; prime 35 to 42 cts.

Beans.--White would command $2; Mixed $1.50.

Cotton.--We quote Middling 8¾ cts.; good do. 10 cts.

Cotton Yarns--Manchester 27 cents per pound.

Corn.--We quote 75 cts. per bushel. Receipts light.

Corn Meal.--Bolted 80 to 83 cts.; unbolted 70 cts.

Coffee.--Very little is in the market. We quote 75 to 80 cts. per lb.

Flour.--The stock is moderate and held at the following prices, with sales only by the dray load: Superfine $6 7.@$7; Extra $7.50; Family $8@ $8.50.

Feed.--Timothy Hay $1.85@$1.90 and scarce; Clover Hay $1.60; Baled Oats $1.75, Oats, per bushel, 65@70

Molasses.--West India, none in market, New Orleans 85c@$1 per gallon.

Mill Offal — Bran 20c; Shorts 25c; Brownstuff 30c; Shipstuff 50

Potatoes.--Good Irish Potatoes bring $1.15 to $1.16 per bushel.

Sugar.--Cuba sells at 25 cts. per lb; Porto Rico scarce, New Orleans 11 to 15 cts. The stocks of sugar are light and prices high.

Tobacco.--The receipts continue light, the sales limited, and the market quiet. We quote Lugs $1.75 to $3.50; Inferior Leaf $3.25 to $5; good $5.50 to $6.50@7; good and fine dry English $7.50 to $10.50; fancy wrappers $10 to $15.

Wheat.--We quote Red $1.20 to $1.25; White $1.30 to $1.35; the market quiet.

Whiskey.--We quote common 20 per cent. at $1.30; Old Rye $2.50.

Wool.--Virginia Washed Wool, 80 to 90 cents per lb.; unwashed 50 to 60 cts.; fine Merino, unwashed, 65 to 75 cts.; washed 90 a $1.

Note that less than a year into the war there is no salt--the most common means of preserving meat at the time--available in the capital of the Confederacy.

Now compare the products and prices for commodities to the prices and supply of commodities available in the Richmond market just one year before, on December 10, 1860. Many of these common trade items have simply disappeared from Richmond markets by December 1861.

Bags — Seamless Bags, 25; Manchester do., 19 @23; Gunny do., 12@14
Beans.--White $1.37½@1.50 per bushel.
Beeswax.--32 to 33--active.
Brooms.--$2@3. according to quality.
Buckets, &c.--Painted Buckets $1.87 ½@$2 per dozen; three hoop Painted Pails $2.25@2.50 per dozen; heavy Cedar Tubs, neat, $3.50@5 per nest; heavy Cedar Feed Buckets $6.50 per dozen.
Butter.--We quote good Butter at 20 to 25; interior 8 to 10
Bacon.--Sides 12½ cents; Shoulders 10¼c.; plain Hams 12; Sugar-cured 13@13½c.; Todd's Sugar cured Hams 15
Coffee.--We quote Rio 14½@15½c; Laguayra, none in market; Java 16½@17 cts.; Mocha 18 cents Market firm.
Corn.--Market dull and quotations lower. We quote 50@55 cents per bushel. Sales of old have been made at these quotations. New is not so desirable, and would hardly bring them.
Candles.--Tallow 15 per lb.; Jackson's 15; Rull's 16 cts.; Adamantine 20@23; Sperm 45; Patent Sperm 54@56
Cement.--James River $1.70@1.80 per bbl.; Northern Rosendale at $1.70@1.80.
Coal.--White and Red Ash Anthracite Coal, for grates, $6.50 per cart load of 25 bushels, per ton of 2,240 lbs. $7; Foundry do. $7 per ton of 2,240 lbs.; Bituminous Lump. $5 per load of 25 bushels; Hall $4.50; Smiths' Coal 12@14 per bushel.
Coke.--For city consumption $5 per cart load of 25 bushels, for soft lump; soft half $4.50. Hard lump and half $4.50.
Corn Meal--85 cts. per bushel.
cotton.--8½ to 12 cents.
cotton Yarns. &c.--Cotton Yarns 21@22 cts.; CottonCordage 24 cts.; Seine Twine 27 cts.; Carpet Warp 22 cts.; Wrapping Twine 22 cts.
Dried Fruit.--No arrivals. We quote nominally $1@1.25 per bushel.
Feathers — In demand at 46 cts. Stock small; better supply.
Fertilizers.--We quote Peruvian $58; Ruffin's Phosphor Peruvian. $50 per ton; Aa Mexican $25; Elide island $48; Patagoman $25; Sombrero $30; Navassa, or Brown Columbian $30; Reese's Manipulated Guano, $50; Rhodes' Super Phosphate of Lime $46.50 per ton; Robinson's Manipulated Guano $50 per ton; Hartman's (Richmond) Ammoniated Super Phosphate Lime $40 per ton; do, Manipulated Guano $50 per ton; do, Bone Dust $38 per ton.
Fish.--New Nova Scotia Herrings, gross, $2.75@$3; No. 1 Halifax Cut Herrings $3.25@$3.50 from store. No North Carolina in market.--Mackerel, large No. 3, new, $8.50; small do., $5.
Flaxseed--$1.20@1.40 per bushel.
Flour Barrels--45 to 50 cts. for city made; Country have sold recently at from 20 to 30 cts.
Fruit.--Oranges; Havana $9 per bol. Lemons: $4.50@5.05 per box. Raisins: Bunch $2.75@$3, layers $3@3.25. Prunes 10 to 40 cts. per box, accordingto quality. Figs 2½@20 cts. per lb.
Flour.--We quote Superfine $6@6.50; Extra $7@7.25; Family $7.50@8. The market is very and nothing doing in the wholesale way.
Hay.--We quote $1.15 per cwt.
Hides — Salted 8½@9 cts.; Dry 11@13 cts.; Call skins, green, $1@1.12. South American, none.
Hoop Poles — Flour bbl. $7.50@9 per 1,000; hhd.poles, $15.
Iron and Nails.--Pig Iron $28@34, as in quality and quantity; Swedes $400 per ton; English Refined $70; Tredegar $85; Common English $60, American country $95. CutNails 3¼@3½c. per lb.
Lard.--Western Lard 13 cents in bbls.; kegs 13@13½c.
Lead.--We quote 6¼@6½ cts. per lb. for pig; bar 6½@7.
Leather.--We quote good stamp, middle weights 22@23 per lb.; over weights 20@21; light 21@21½c.; good damaged 18½@20; poor 14@17; upper feather $1.50@$4, as to size, weight and quality; Harness 35@36; Skirting, in the rough, 25@28 finished 31@35 cts.
Lime.--85 to $1 from wharf. From store, we quote Northern $1.12½;Virginia 90@$1.
liquors--Brandy: Otard, Dupuy & Co., $3.25@7 per gallon; A. Seignette, $2¼@4½; Sazerae $3¼@7; Hennessey, $3½@7½; Peach, scarce at $1¾@2¼; Virginia Apple, 60@85 cts.; do. old, 75@$1.50; Northern do., 55@85 cts.; imitation, 45@47½ cts.--Rum; New England, 40@45 for mixed; 50@55 for pure. Gin: Holland, $1.20@1.75.
Lumber.--Clear White Pine, $45; refused do. $29; merchantable, $20@25 per M. One inch yellow Pine Plank 10@12; three-quarter do. 9@11; 1¼ do. $14@16; 1½ do. $13@14; 2 do. $12.50@15. Flooing $18@20, face measure; Scantling $11@13 for heart and sap; all heart $16@20, according to size. Garden Raits, heart and sap, 12½@13 each; all heart 18@25 Shingles $5@6 per M. Weather Boarding $13@16. Inch Oak Plank $30@35. Buttonwood 5/8 inch $25@30. Inch Cherry $35; 5/8 Poplar $20@25 per M. Dressed Flooring Virginia, $25@28. Dressed Flooring, Southern, 28@30. Laths $2.25 to $2.37 per M for sawed. on the wharf.
Oats.--We quote 35@40 cents per bushel.
Molasses.--New Orleans 50@55 cts.; Cuba Muscovado, in bbls., 32@37½ cts., in hhds., 25@30; English Island. 37½ cts.; Ochenhousen's, 28.
Sugars.--New Orleans Sugar, none in market. Cuba 7½@8½c; Porto Rico 8@9¼c., Loaf 11@11¼c.; Crushed and Powdered 10¾c.; Coffee Sugar: A 10; B 9¾c.; Extra C 9¾c.
Salt.--Last sales from wharf $1.65; from store $1.75 per sack.
Saltpetre--9@10 per lb.
Seneca Root--35@37½c.
Shot--7@7¾ cash, and time as to quantity, for drop and buck.
Starch — Corn 6@6½; Pearl 7@8½c.
Staves — Good oak, for flour barrels, we quote at $5 per thousand; Machine cut $7@$8.
Tar.--$2@2.25 per bbl.
Teas.--Imperial and Gunpowder 55 $@1.20.
Wines.--Port, Burgundy $1@2.50 per gallon; Port Juice $2.50@4. Madeira, Sicily 45@$1.75; OldMadeira $2.50@4. Sherry, Permartin, Dud and Gordon, Amontilado $2@6.
wood — Wholesale: Oak $3.50@$3.75 per cord; Pine $2.75@$3. Retail: Oak $5; Pine $4.50.
Wool.--Tub Washed sold at 35@37; unwashed third less. Fleece as inquality.
Tobacco.--There is still no change in Tobacco, and quotations are little more than nominal. We quote interior Lugs at $2.25@2.50, good and fine $3@3.50; interior Leaf $5@7, good $8@9; fine manufacturing scarce, price $12.50@20; good and fine English $6.50@10.50, fancy cases $20@90.
Wheat.--We still quote good to prime red $1.20@1.25; do, white $1.30@1.35. Arrivals light — quotations on time.
Cattle. Hogs, Sheep, &c.

Beef.--Supply continues large. Extremes now quotable $3@$4 per cwt. gross. A lot of very fine Cattle sold last week as high as $5 per cwt.--The bulk of sales are from $3.50 to $3.75 gross.
Sheep.--Supply not very good. We quote sales, good to prime, at $4.50 to $5.50 per cwt. gross; fair to good, per head, sell at $2.50 to $5
Hogs.--Sales of corn-fed at $8@$8.25 per cwt.; distillery-fed $7.25@$7.75.

December 12, 1861: Robert Dawson to his sister, Rebecca Dawson

Robert D. Dawson was a private in the 100th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry. The 100th Pennsylvania was part of the great Union expedition to the Carolina Coast and on December 12, 1861, Dawson wrote home to his sister from Beaufort, South Carolina.

Beaufort, S. C. Dec. 12th, 1861

Dear Sister

I take the present opportunity of sending you a few lines to let you know that I am well at present and I hope that these few lines may find you enjoying the same blessing the boys are all well at present we have left Hilton Head and we are at beaufort South Carolina up the beaufort river we worked on the intrenchments at hilton head 11 days our brigade was all that worked on them until we left and then some of the other brigades would have to go to work on them we were getting along pretty well they had 4 or 5 canon mounted on them when we left they had 12 horses to haul one of them up from the wharf one they had 16 horses to it was about a ten inch gun. we left hilton head on the 6th of this month and embarked on board the winfield scott and lay til the next morning the scott was the ship that part of the 50th Reg. was on the time of the storm and they threw their guns over board it looks like it had seen hard times both masts cut away and the vessel damaged a good bit they have a pump running all the time to keep the water pumped out of her, we landed saturday and put up our tents this is a good sized town and the nicest buildings in it I ever saw and some of the nicest furniture and pianoes lot of them and libraries of books there is a great many french greek and latin books I have a few books I would like to send some of them home I have a book with some pictures of collars and so on that I have a notion to send it to you we started sunday morning to the back of the island a distance of ten miles to see if there was any rebels on the island for they was on here friday, there was only twoo companys here before we came that is the reason we was fetched here the rebels would come over from the main land and carry off their property we did not see any rebels til we came to the ferry we saw a few on the other side of the river Company H went on picket and the rebels fired across twoo or three shots at them but they did not come near to them they had no canon there our men had twoo pieces of canon with them but they came back as soon as they saw there was no enemy there, we only had one days provision with us and we had to stay a11 night on a plantation where there was a good many niggers and we bought hoe cake and chicken we lay out all night without any blankets or over coats I know that we would not done it if we had been in Pa. we could hear the rebels talking in the night and swearing about the yankees along the road out to the ferry it is the nicest road that I ever saw it has been throwed up and shelled with oyster shells and some of the nicest trees great big spready live oaks spread over the road with moss hanging down from the limbs and nice forests, forests of pine monday the 50th came to take our place and when we left the rebels were throwing up embankments and when we came to camp the battery went out and the next day sent a few balls over and scared them away we have plenty of sweet potatoes and pone and oysters we get them from the darkies I will send you a piece or twoo of calico write soon and let me know how all the young married folks are getting along and about the war news and congress no more at present so good night

R D Dawson

December 11, 1861: Rabbi Arnold Fischel to Henry I. Hart

On this day 150 years ago, Rabbi Arnold Fischel wrote to a friend to describe his recent meeting with President Abraham Lincoln. Fischel had met with the president to ask for his help in amending a law passed in July 1861 providing for chaplains for the Union Army. Secretary of War Simon Cameron had interpreted that law as providing only for Christian chaplains, while Fischel argued in favor of allowing Jews to serve as chaplains.

332 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, Dec. 11, 1861

My dear Sir,

Since I saw you on Monday morning, I have been incessantly at work to promote the object of my mission, and, as you will perceive from this letter, with considerable success. I arrived in Philadelphia on Monday Evening and called at once on the Rev. I. Leeser and other gentlemen who are getting up petitions to Congress, with the view of ensuring conjoint and harmonious action on the part of all who are interesting themselves in this matter. In this I succeeded, so that the subject will be forced on the attention of Congress from various influential quarters at one and the same time.

Having further obtained important letters of introduction to Senators, I started for Washington where I arrived on Tuesday Evening, and went at once to work to obtain an interview with the President. All the influential gentlemen, with whom I spoke on the subject, assured me that it would be impossible for me to get an audience, as the President's time was altogether taken up with public business. The same opinion was expressed by Mr. Nicolay, his private secretary, who even told me that Mr. Lincoln would not have time to read the letter in which I solicited an interview, and that there would be little chance for me to see him before the adjournment of Congress, that, in fact, none but Cabinet Ministers, Senators and army officers could be admitted.

Seeing that I could not obtain admission by the usual process, I had to devise a plan whereby the subject could be at once brought under the notice of the President, and in this I was perfectly successful. I called this morning at ten o'clock at the White House where hundreds of people were anxiously waiting for admission, some of whom told me that they had been for three days awaiting their turn. I was, nevertheless, at once invited to his room and was received with marked courtesy. After having read the letter of the Board and delivered to him several letters of introduction, he questioned me on various matters connected with this subject and then told me that he fully admitted the justice of my remarks, that he believed the exclusion of Jewish chaplains to have been altogether unintentional on the part of Congress, and agreed that something ought to be done to meet this case. I suggested that he might do for the Jewish what he had done for the Christian volunteers and take upon himself the responsibility of appointing Jewish chaplains for the Hospitals. He replied that he had done that at a time when Congress was not in session deeming the subject to require immediate attention, but that after the Meeting of Congress he would not be justified in taking the responsibility upon himself. Finally, he told me that it was the first time this subject had been brought under his notice, that it was altogether new to him, that he would take the subject into serious consideration, that I should call again tomorrow morning and if he has five minutes to spare he would receive me and let me know his views. I thanked him for his kind reception, and expressed to him my best wishes for his welfare. In the course of my remarks, I gave him clearly to understand that I came to him not as an office seeker but to contend for the principle of religious liberty, for the constitutional rights of the Jewish Community and for the welfare of the Jewish volunteers, which he seemed fully to appreciate.

This afternoon I shall visit the Hospitals and camps, and as soon as I have anything of importance to communicate, I will write to you at once. In mean time, you will agree with me that the days I have been at work have not been without useful results, and hoping that we may fully succeed in this matter.

I remain

Your obt svt

A. Fischel

Henry I. Hart, Esq.

December 10, 1861: U.S.S. Benton runs aground

Flag Officer Andrew H. Foote was working hard to ready his flotilla for service on the Western Waters of the United States, but he faced many obstacles. For one thing, he was still short of the men he needed to crew his gunboats. On December 10, 1861, Foote's largest gunboat, the Benton, ran aground on her way to join Foote at Cairo, Illinois.

CAIRO, December 10, 1861.

Sir: We are still deficient 1,000 men for the flotilla. A short time since I had a letter from Captain Howard, late of the Revenue Service, who states that he can bring us 1,000 men, provided their advance and certain expenses can be paid. I referred him to the Navy Department and to Quartermaster-General Meigs of the Army, as I have no funds, nor do we pay advance to men that we ship here. I have not received any men from Commander Carter, of the Michigan.

Will the Department please to inform me if it can furnish a part or the whole number of men required?

It is with deep regret that I inform the Department that the large and effective steamer Benton is badly aground 75 miles up the Mississippi River. The water was not sufficient for her in the channel, as it had fallen the night previous. The vessel is still in the contractors hands, so far as her preparation is concerned, and he having given every assurance that he would get her down. He is on board the Benton, and before leaving St. Louis repeatedly assured me that he would take her safely to Cairo. I enclose the copy of a letter addressed to Mr. Eads, the contractor, urging and directing him to get the boats to Cairo by the 20th ultimo.

This disaster is delaying our whole expedition. The Essex, Commander Porter, as well as our storeship are still detained in the river by the grounding of the Benton.

The seven gunboats built under contract are here, and we will fit them out in a week after the contractor turns them over to us.

Had it not been for the grounding of the Benton I should have had the gunboats ready, excepting men, before the 15th proximo.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

A.H. FOOTE,
Flag-Officer.

HON. GIDEON WELLES,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D.C.

The Benton was the largest of Foote's gunboats. It was not a part of the City-class, rather it was a converted snag boat. Originally a catamaran, the builder had planked in the space between the catamaran hulls and built an armored casemate on her deck. The resulting ironclad weighed more than 1,000 tons, was sheathed in 2.5 inch thick iron plates, and carried a mixed battery of sixteen guns of various sizes. The Benton was a slow, but powerful gun platform and she served as the flagship for the Western Flotilla for much of her career.

December 9, 1861: The Union defenses in Hampton Roads

U.S.S. Congress

Lieutenant William Sharp, C.S. Navy had resigned from the U.S. Navy on April 17, 1861 and shortly afterwards was commissioned a lieutenant in the Confederate Navy. He was wounded and captured on August 29, 1861 during the federal seizure of Fort Hatteras. He was freed in a prisoner exchange on November 2, 1861, and one month and one week later Sharp wrote the following account of what he had seen in his captivity, particularly in regard to federal defenses in the Hampton Roads.

BUREAU ORDNANCE. Richmond, Va., December 9, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: In a moment of leisure it occurs to me to write you of my observations while on board of the Congress, Commander William Smith, off Newport News, during nine days. There is a strongly built battery of five large guns riverward, at the upper bridge toward the river. The southeast gun is on a semicircular battery alone; the others on a parapet. The battery seems continuous, looking inland, but the Congress's deck being about as high as the sand bank, I could not count inland guns, or even see them, though the parapet curvature satisfied me that the battery is circular or oval. The same parallel line of view prevented me from the judging of the number of troops, but it was extensive. The river-edge trees remain; inland, they have been cut down, and houses, etc., are built and being built. In addition to the original old bridge, a fine, large one has been constructed, similar to the ordnance bridge, you may recollect, at Old Point. Steamers go to both bridges. The Express, steamer, runs twice daily between Newport News and old Point; the other boats are hospital, house boats, etc.

While there one night, about 8 p.m., a steamer was seen and reported as the P.H. [Patrick Henry]. General quarters and thorough preparations were made, but relieved on falsifying the statement. The Congress has removed her gun deck cabin and has two long 32s out of stern ports. The original crew she had in Brazil, Lieutenants J. B. Smith and A. Pendergrast, Purser Buchanan, and Dr. Shippen; all the rest are masters and masters' mates from the merchant service, unless forward officers. At sunset, though always loaded, batteries are primed, guns cast loose and ranged obliquely; regular sea watches kept; no hammocks allowed on gun deck, or lights above water; stream anchor at port quarter, hawsers bent, and others on deck; buoys all around ship, and spars in angular form reach from forward of flying jibbooms, lashed, hung by tackles from head booms and fore channels, passing the last so as to glance off passing objects, torpedoes' etc. Crew well drilled, furnished with Sharps and Minié rifles, and all modern appliances. Boat howitzer in quarter-deck after ports. Stevens, Butt, and I were confined on the Congress; Dalton and Loyall on the Cumberland, Captain Livingston; officers, Lieutenants G. U. Morris and Selfridge, Dr. Jackson, and others merchantmen appointments. The Cumberland rows guard nightly. Both ships two cables, length apart, under the battery, less than half a mile distant. The Cumberland has outriggers like the Congress. I left the Congress on the 20th ultimo, when the Cambridge, Commander W. A. Parker, Lieutenant Gwin; Hetzel, Captain H. K. Davenport; Shawsheen, Lieutenant E. R. Colhoun; and another tugboat, armed, were near us permanently. Nightly the small ones distributed themselves above the ship anchorage, keep steam up always, and retire off the battery each morning. The Cambridge is a fore-topsail, schooner-rigged propeller, of 700 or 800 tons, with four or six broadside guns, and one forward and aft; flush hurricane deck. The smaller ones have each a Parrott gun forward and aft. Communications from the Newport News points to Old Point are communicated by flag signals from the terminus of Newport News, doubtless Signal Major Myer's invention. Bright lookouts are always kept up on Pig Point, Sewell Point, Elizabeth River, and all batteries. Not a boat ever escapes observation. As I did not go forward, I did not see what I saw from the Connecticut while passing the Minnesota and Roanoke from seaward. They have grapnels hung from all head booms, spritsail yards, etc., dangling in the water. I suppose ours had, too. The Minnesota has only two lieutenants, Grafton and Watters. Clary commands the propeller Dawn, which has only two Parrott guns in broadside. While on board of the Congress, old Glisson passed a night near us in the Mount Vernon, a vessel similar to the Cambridge.

I asked Captain Elicks to tell you all this, but thought best, later, to write, hoping that the information sent may be advantageous to you. I left Captain Barron well; they are (south) endeavoring to give exchange for him. I hope they will succeed. I was two and a half months in Fort Columbus, nine days in Fort Warren, one-half day on board the North Carolina, Captain Meade, and nine days on board of the Congress.

Hoping that the contents of this letter may prove agreeable to you, and that you will present my warmest regards to the officers,

I am, sir, with high respect, very truly, yours,

WM. SHARP.

Commander JNO. R. TUCKER,
Commanding Patrick Henry.

Captain Maury directs me to say that if you will lengthen your trigger line twice the length of the distance from the end of the flying jibboom to the cutwater, the Congress's fenders will not prove obstructions.

Hampton Roads was a narrow enough waterway that the Union Navy could effectively close it by positioning a few old sailing frigates and sloops of war off of Fortress Monroe. The big guns of the fort and the heavy broadsides of the wooden sailing warships were more than enough to deal with any of the small wooden gunboats the Confederates had improvised on the James River. It would take a new kind of naval technology to challenge Federal naval supremacy in Hampton Roads.

December 8, 1861: Robert Gould Shaw to his sister

Robert Gould Shaw was born on October 10, 1837, into a prominent abolitionist family. When the Civil War broke out, Shaw joined the socially elite 7th New York Infantry Regiment and went with it to the defense of Washington, D.C., in April 1861. As a militia unit, the 7th served only 30 days. After his brief service with the 7th New York, Shaw joined the 2nd Massachusetts Infantry in May 1861 as a second lieutenant. On December 8, 1861, Shaw was encamped with his regiment in Camp Hicks, near Frederick, Maryland where he wrote the folliwing letter to his sister Josephine ("Effie").

My dear Effie,

Your weekly & welcome letter came yesterday. I look for it regularly now and shall be much disappointed the first time it misses, if such a thing can be imagined after your long & faithful regularity. I didn’t have time to write again from Senaca, before we left, as I said I should, for the order to march came at 12 1/2 a.m. We got off early in the morning. It was tout ce qu’il y a de (French for “all the more there is) plus unpleasant to be waked up at Midnight, the weather icy cold, to wake up in their turn the cooks, & see about rations. We had a good two days march, for the cold weather kept us going. The roads didn’t soften even at noon.

The day after we arrived it changed and we have had almost an Indian summer for 5 days, during which time we have made ourselves comfortable & can defy Jack Frost when he comes again.

Yesterday I went into Frederick to see Capt Mudge who has been ill for about 3 weeks. I found him much better & was coming out, not having any acquaintances to visit when I fell in with Copeland & it turned out to be a fortunate recontre for me. He took me to a house where I was presented to two young ladies & we shortly sallied forth all together & after picking up Mrs. Copeland, another lady & Capt. Savage, we repaired to a bowling alley where we had a perfectly jolly time all afternoon. We then took a walk, after which we went home to the house of the aforementioned young ladies, & took tea. In the evening there was a great deal of playing on the piano & chorus singing, in which latter howled, & made as much noise as we could. I cant describe to you my sensations at siting once more in a nice parlor & seeing real ladies with petticoats about. I had hardly realized before that for 5 months we had been living like gypsies & seeing only men. I had really not spoken to a lady since we left New York. These two are daughters of Genl. Shriver, a Union man here, who was very active in helping break up the Maryland legislature 2 months ago. One of them is a nice girl indeed, I should think, if one can judge on so short an acquaintance. She sings very well too.

Today I have been in heavenly humour from dawn until the present moment 10 1/2 p.m. In the first place the day has been lovely. Then every man in my company was clean de cap a pie on Sunday morning inspection. ( from head to foot) Then the band played some beautiful music at service & the parson preached a good sermon. Then we have cleaned away all the rubbish & underbrush from the camp & everything looks clean & neat. Then our stove & other furniture has come out & the tent is very comfortable. After this we had an A-1 dress parade & finally I find I have not got to go off on picket guard tomorrow as I had expected. What effect yesterday’s pleasures had on my spirits, or in what degree they contributed to making me feel happy today, I dont know, but dissipation usually produces the contrary result, you know. For instance, namely, my servant, whom I sent in town to get some articles of luxury enjoyed himself also, but is today in the depths of despair. He allowed himself to partake too freely of the intoxicating cup, was arrested by the Provost Guard for riotous conduct & knocked in the eye with the butt of a musket—after which process, he tells me, he knew nothing for two hours, which is highly probable as he was fast approaching that condition before. He was released today and is now suffering acute mental agony because I have put him back in the ranks & he will have to stand guard & drill besides carrying his knapsack on the march. The effect which his Katzenjammer, his black eye, and his mental prostration, united, produced on the expression of his countenance is very ridiculous—though I suppose I ought to pity him. (Katzenjammer - hangover)

I have asked Father to bring you three girls when Mother & he come to Frederick, and though it is getting late, I must stop. The mittens are splendid. Please thank all the ladies who are at work on the others. Best love to Susie and Nellie.

Ever your affectionate brother,

R.G.S